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UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 



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ANNUAL CELEBRATION 



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CELEBR^TIOISr 



SOCIETY OF TAMMANY; 



COLUMBIAN ORDER, 



87th Anniversary of our National Independence, 



', J"XJI_i^^ -itla, 13G3. 



The members of the Tammany Society, fully awake to 
the necessity of " keeping alive the patriot flame " at this 
momentous crisis in our country's history, resolved to cele- 
brate the anniversary of the nation's birth-day with unusual 
vigor; and, after a series of preliminary meetings, held by 
the Council of Sachems, the following programme of arrange- 
ments, under the especial charge of Sachems Taylor, Delavan, 
and Brennan, was adopted and published. 



SOCIETY OF TAMMANY: OR, COLUMBIAN ORDER, 

OELEB RATION, W.V'I I U I> A \ , .IIJI^V I 111. 1 SOS. 

O^ORDER OF ARRANGEMENTS:^ 

The Sachems and Brothers will assemble in the Grand Wifiwam at 11 X A. M., for 

the transaction of business. At 12 o'clock the Grand Council Chariiber will 

be thrown open for the admission of members, invited guests and 

friends of the Society. 

THE EXERCISES WILL COMMENCE AT ONE O'CLOCK PRECISELY, WITH 

MUSIC, National Giard Band. 

OPENING ADDRESS, By Grand Sachem Pukdt. 

SONG AND CHORUS Tiik Flag of our Union, i-ather Kkkd's Ciuartette. 

Accompanied on the jiiano by Prof. C. F. Olnky. 

THE DECLABATJOH OF INGEPENDEHCE 

Will then be read by Brotlier Thomas C. I'ields. 
CllOnUS Kocl. ^Vliile autl IJluo Quarteite 

DRAKE'S ADDRESS TO THE AMERICAN FLAG, 

Will be recited by Hosea B. Perkins, Esq. 

Song and Chorus, BONNIE OLD FLAG, Quartette. 

A I'atrinlic I'oem, wriUeii expressly lor tin: occasion iiud uiitUleil 

DEMOCRACY AND THE NATION, 

AViU be read by the Author, HENRY MORFORD, Esq. 

B A L E A 1) , By the Qiartktte. 

ORATION By Hon. Henry C. Murphy. 

B A L L .\ 1) , Mr. Gcstavts Geabt. 

The Exercises in the large room will conclude with the "STAR SPANGLED 
BANNER," to be sung by Father Reed's Quartette, accompanied by Prof. Olney 
and the National Guard Band, the audience rising and joining in the chorus. After 
which the members of the Society, with their friends and invited guests, will adjourn 
to the Banquet Room, wliere appropriate toasts will be responded to by distinguished 
Democrats of this city and state. 

The Grand Council Chamber will be elaborately decorated with Hags and emblems 
of all nations. The front seats will be reserved exclusively for ladies. Tickets of 
admission (which are gratis) can be obtained of eitlier of the following 

coivtivtiTTEiE OF ,A.R,K.A.r<rc3-E3vtEisrars : 

Sachem JOHN KELLY, Sachem .lOHN E. DEVRIJN, Sachem DANIEL K. DELAVAN, 

Sachem ISAAC liELL, Sachem CHAS. O. CORNELL, Sachem MATT. T. BRENNAN, 

Sachem PETER B. SWEENY, Sagamore G. S. MESSERVE, Sachem ANDRE FROMENT, 

Sachem RIOH'D B. CONNOLLY, Wiskinkie S. C. DURYEA, Sachem EDWARD COOPER, 

Sachem DOUGLAS TAYLOR, Treasurer H. VANDEWATER, 

CASPER C. CHILDS, EL.IJ-A.Ii F. FXJRID"^, 

Se.i-ietary. (Jka.vd Sachejc. 

RICHARD WINNE, Hcrihe. JAMES B. NICHOLSON, Father of the Council. 



CommUlee from the Democratic (leneral Committee of Jfeu- }'ork : 

WILLIAM M. TWEED, EDWARD MARRINER, TIMOTHY SULLIVAN, 

.lOHX Y. SAVAGE, TIIOS. B. TAPPAN, JOHN HURLEY', 

OE<>. L. LOUTRKL, AARON B. ROLLINS, JOSEPH M. MARSH, 

ALEXANDER BRANDON, JOHN CLANCY, JAMES ONEIL, 

GEO. A. JEREMIAH, JOHN MOORE. WILLIA.M JOYCE, 

JOHN FITCH, THOMAS BRADY, ISIAH RYNDERS, 

JOHN McORANE, PATRICK McMAHON. JOHN B. RYER. 



A sufficient indication of the success which rewarded the 
efforts of the Committee, and also of the patriotic feeling 
existing in the crowded audience, may be gathered from the 
subjoined account of the celebration, extracted from the able 
report of the New York Sunday Dispatch : 

The day at Tammany was all that the most enthusiastic and 
intensely patriotic Sachems of the Old Wigwam could have 
desired. The controlling genius of the occasion was the 
" Spirit of '76," who not only superintended the exercises of 
the anniversary, but seemed to infuse into the minds of all 
present the loftiest thoughts which found utterance in eloquent 
words, in harmonious applause, and in gesticulation prolific 
with significance. It did not require any great exercise of 
the imagination to feel that the stalwart and impressive figure 
of Old Hickory was standing in the midst of the scene, casting 
its influence upon all, and pointing its immovable finger 
towards Gettysburg, declaring that the " Union must and shall 
be preserved." Even amid the festivities of the day all 
appeared to feel the impressiveness of the scene, and the loyal 
beating of every heart spoke in almost audible language of 
earnest devotion to the old flag, the stars of which shed a 
glorious lustre over the place. 

Decorated with banners and other appropriate emblems, the 
old Wigwam afforded the widest scope for patriotic meditation. 
It filled every heart with pride, and implanted the conviction 
in every mind that 

"Each day our Union's constellated banner 
Gives joy to every patriotic heart, 
Despite men's curses and the base endeavor 
Of guilty hands to rend its folds apart " 

The display of flags was unusually imposing. The colors, 
numbering several hundred, were hung about the room, entirely 
covering the walls, and were suspended in graceful festoons 
above the audience. The portraits of the Father of his 
Country, and of Harry of the West and General Lafayette, 
looked down upon the congregation, and the time-honored 
banners of the Society, together with the insignia of the 
thirteen original States, were conspicuously displayed in the 
" Great Council Chamber," 



For iin hour before the exercises began, the disciples of St. 
Taininrtny be,u,'an to assemble in the old Wip-wani. The oreat 
topic of the day, the news from Gettysburg — formed the prin- 
cipal theme of conversation, and elicited the most patriotic 
)'(Miuirks from all who participated in the general discussion. 
or course, there was considerable criticism indulged in, and 
some heavy batteries were opened u]>on some of the incundjents 
of high Governmental positions, but the one idea which was 
more prominent than all others was that the rebels should not 
only be driven in dismay from the old Keystone State, but that 
they should also be made to sutler a defeat which would result 
in the restoration of the Union and an acknowledgment of the 
supremacy of the old Flag. It was an inspiriting scene fraught 
with suggestions of the most forcible nature. 

Shortly after twelve Messrs. Douglas Taylor, Daniel F. Dela- 
van and Mattliew T. Breunan, the Special Committee of Arrange- 
ments, met and perfected the arrangements for making the 
Anniversary a featui-e of the most glorious description. The 
National Guard l)aiiil in the mean time aided in keeping up the 
enthusiasm of the audience by playing a variety of national 
and popular airs, filling the old wigwam with excellent music. 
Among those who occupieil seats upon the platform were, Hon. 
Fdwards Pieri-epont, Daniel F. Delavan, Fsq., Judge C. P. Daly, 
Hon. James Brooks, Hon. .b)linSfryker, of Oneida, Judge John 
M. Barbour, Judge Henry Hilton, Hon. Richard 13. Connolly, 
Hon. Isaac Bell, Hon. John J. Bradley, Sanuiel B. Garvin, Esq., 
Hon. A. Oakey Hall, Hon. William Mc^lurray, Judge Josiali 
Sutherland, Judge Fdnuuid L Hearne, Peter B. Sweeny, Fsq., 
Douglas Taylor, Esq., Hon. John Clancy, Nathaniel Jarvis, Jr., 
Esq., John Murphy, Esq., George W. McLean, Esq., Hon. Wil- 
liam Miner, Hon. Anson Herrick, Edward ]\Iarriuer, Fs(p, Aid. 
Terence Farley, Aid. C. J. Chip}), Hon. William M. Tweed. 
Henry Vandewater, Fs(]., Hon. Thomas C. Fields, Casper C. 
Childs, Esq., Hon. James B. Nicholson, I'homas Dunlap, Esq., 
and Justice Dodge. 

At one o'clock the Sachems and pi'incipal guests marched in 
the room, the officers being decorated with badges, and the 
guests designated by a rosette of red, white and blue ribbon, 
and at half-past one the exercises began by the meeting being 
calletl to order by the old War Horse of Tannnany, Hon. E. F. 
Purdy, who addressed the society as follows : 



ADDRESS OF GRAND SACHEM PURDY. 

Sachems, Beothers and Friends : — We have assembled in 
this our great Wigwam, to celebrate another anniversary of a 
nation's birth-day. Our custom to do so is coeval with the 
existence of our Government. In the name of Tammany So- 
ciety or Columbian Order I greet you with a cordial welcome. 
Yes, welcome, thrice welcome to our council chamber. This day 
eighty-seven years ago our forefathers proclaimed that Ameri- 
cans were of right a free and independent people. Auspicious 
the day, eventful the hour and most glorious the cause. An 
astonished world beheld a nation of freemen thinking, speaking 
and acting as such. The Union, the Constitution and the laws 
formed by the patriots of '76 will be preserved, sustained and 
defended by their descendants of '63. [Great applause.] Where 
and by whom can the anniversary of American Independence be 
more appropriately celebrated than in this Old Wigwam, and by 
Tammany Society, or Columbian Order — a society formed at an 
early period of our country's history, its founders deeply imbued 
with a love for civil and religious liberty and the right of man 
to self-government 2 I feel that I but express the sentiments of 
my brothers of the Order of St. Tammany and of the people 
of the great and patriotic city of New York, when I say that 
while we live we will meet here and keep alive the patriotic 
flame of liberty, equality and fraternity, and smoke the calumet 
of peace and good will with all supporters and defenders of the 
Union and the Constitution of our country. [Cheers.] As the 
patriot Jackson said so we say—" The Union : it must and shall 
be preserved!" [Applause.] Let us again renew our fealty to 
the Union, and pledge ourselves, one to the other, to cease not 
in our exertions and rest not from our labors until the Union as 
it was and the Constitution with all its inherent rights are main- 
tained and defended, with one Union, one Constitution and 
government on the American continent. [Immense cheering.] 



After appropriate music by the Band, The Declaration of 
Independence was read with decided eifect by Brother Thomas 
C. Fields. The reading was listened to with the greatest atten- 
tion, and elicited hearty and repeated cheers. 

The next feature of the occasion was the reciting of Drake's 
Address to the American Flag, by IIosea B. Perkins, Esq. 
!Mr. Perkins prefaced hits recitation with a few remarks, 
which were warudy received by the amlicnce, and his delivery 
of this splendid poem was loudly applauded throughout. 

DRAKE'S ADDRESS TO THE AMERICAN FLAG. 

WiiBX Freedom from her mountain height 

Unfurled her standard to the air, 
She tore the azure robe of night, 

And set the stars of glory there ! 
She mingled with its gorgeous dyes 
The milky baldric of the skies, 
And striped its pure celestial white 
With streakings of the morning light ! 
Then, from his mansion in the sun, 
She called her eagle bearer down, 
And gave into his mighty hand 
The symbol of her chosen land ! 

Majestic monarch of the cloud ! 
Who rear'st aloft thy regal form. 
To hear the tempest trumping loud, 
And see the lightning-lances driven, 
When stride the warriors of the storm, 
And rolls the thunder-drum of heaven, 
Child of the sun ! to thee 't is given 
To guard the banner of the free. 
To hover in the sulphur smoke, 
To ward away the battle-stroke. 
And bid its blendings shine afar. 
Like rainbows on the cloud of war. 
The harbingiM' of victory ! 

Flag of the brave! Thy folds shall lly. 
The sign of hoj)e and triumph high ! 
When speaks the signal trumpet-tone,. 



9 



And the long line comes gleaming on : 
Ere yet the life-blood, warm and wet, ■ 
Has dimmed the glistening bayonet. 
Each soldier's eye shall brighly turn 
To where their meteor glories burn ; 
And, as his springing steps advance, 
Catch war and vengeance from the glance ! 
And when the cannon-mouthiugs loud. 
Heave in wild wreaths the battle-shroud, 
And gory sabres rise and fall. 
Like shoots of flame on midnight's pall ! — 
There shall thy victor glances glow. 

And cowering foes shall fall beneath 
Each gallant arm that strikes below 

That lovely messenger of death ! 

Flag of the seas ! on ocean's wave. 
Thy stars shall glitter o'er the brave. 
When death, careering on the gale, 
Sweeps darkly round the swelling sail, 
And frighted waves. rush wildly back 
Before the broadside's reeling rack, 
Each dying wanderer of the sea 
Shall look at once to heaven and thee, 
And smile to see thy splendors fly 
In triumph o'er his closing eye. 

Flag of the free heart's only home. 

By angel hands to valor given ! 
Thy stars have lit the welkin dome 

And all thy hues were born in heaven ; 
Forever float that standard sheet ! 

Where breathes the foe that stands before us ? 
With Freedom's soil beneath our feet. 

And freedom's banner streaming o'er us ! 

After another song and chorus by the Quartette, Mr. Henry 
MoRFORD was introduced by the Grand Sachem, and read the 
following poem, written by him for the occasion, with his accus- 
tomed ease and clearness. During the reading, Mr. Morford 
was frequently interrupted by applause, and at its close was 
enthusiastically cheered : 
2 



10 

DEMOCEACY AND THE NATION. 

BY HENNY MORFORD, Esq. 

I. 
Douglas Taylor, Old Tammany's printer in chief, 
Says " We must have a poem, but must have it brief, 
" Say something — pitch ia — serve the right^flog the wrong — 
" Be earnest — be impudent — but — don't be long !" 
That's what Douglas says ; adding with pleasantest smile. 
That ''the rhyming is rather a bore all the while." 
Our friend Douglas is right — but before I obey 
Let me tell him a story that comes in the way. 

II. 

Old Dan Webster, one time in the height of his fame, 
As a lawyer was pushing some boundary claim 
Between two who lacked temper to settle their lines. 
Away down in the North Carolinian pines. 
He got left by a steamboat, or wagon, or stage • 
Overnight, in the midst of the pines — and a rage. 
He put up in a shanty of clapboards and logs. 
Where the people divided their beds with the hogs. 
Where twelve tow-headed children, each minus a shirt, 
Ran round and seemed happy midst bedbugs and dirt ; 
And Iheir 'pai'ients' two cora-crackers, gangling and long, 
. From a bottle took something that seemed to be strong. 
Well, Black Dan got his sleep, in the best way be might. 
And was glad to rouse up at the first peep of light. 
Taking breakfast of hoe-cakes and pork, and in haste 
To get off from that dirty and desolate waste. 
When breakfast was over, and ready the cart 
On which for '.some place'' he was making hisstift, 
He pulled out his pocket-book (quite in Ids way 
You remember) and asked them how much was to pay. 
The male corn-cracker, standing meanwhile at the door, 
With his wife had been whispering tea minutes or more. 
And when Webster presented a Wilmington note 
Wiped his nose on the cuff of his butternut coat. 
And replied in a manner most festive and gay, 
That old Dan ne'er forgot till his last dying day : 
" See here, stranger ! — old woman and I. about that 



11 



" Just now have been having a bit of a chat. 

" You're the big Mr. Webster. Tuej tell me, and so 

" We don't lilie to let you pay money, you know. 

" Supper, lodging and breakfast — now what do you say 

" To our trading it out in the handiest way ? 

" Can't you give the old woman and me, for that ere 

" About six shillings worlh of a speech, and quit square ?" 

III. 

Old Dan used to tell off the story with zest, 

And made it foundation for many a jest, 

But he always declared that what bothered him worst 

And best furnished excuse when he inwardly cursed — 

Was not making a speech to those slab-sided drones 

Two in number, and made up of gristles and bones,— 

But being cut down to so little a space : 

" Why, confound it !'' said Dan, with his quizzical face — 

" My chances just then were most dreadfully small ! — 

" I couldn't get started for shillings, at all !" 



I am not a Dan Webster, as Douglas well knows, 
Nor are you corn-crackers — yet, under the rose, 
We are all just alike, — if there's much in the head, 
Or only a little — we want room to spread. 
And so having proved why I cannot be brief, 
Let me be so, as furnishing quickest relief. 

IV. 

Were they jocular words, then, with which we begun. 

And sounds this like dealing with frolic and fun? 

If they were, let the time furnish ready excuse. 

For looking down noses is never of use. 

Darker days than those looming above us, no man 

Has seen or has thought of since freedom began; 

And the last time St. Tammany's Sons meet the call 

To gather for council within the old hall, 

May long be remembered as darkar by far 

Than any yet dimming the national star. 

Let us hope that the memory further will go 

And show joy coming next when the pul?es are low. 

Keeping up the old maxim of ages agone : — 

" The darkest hour's that which just heralds the dawn." 



12 



Let us hope that if Tammany gathers to-day 

With crape on its banners of warlike array, — 

It may meet ia the forthcoming year. Sixty-four, 

With its pride and its hope bright as ever it wore, 

Every man going on with unfaltering tread 

To place the rujht nuin at the National head. 

Let us hope that two years hence, when comes Sixty-five, 

Freedom's hope in our land once more fully alive, 

Treason doad, foul secession a memory of shame 

That no man dares allow to attach to his name, — 

The Sons of St. Tammany once more may meet, 

With the right mm firm fixed in the President's seat, 

And rejoice in the dangers their vigor has braved — 

In the foes they have met and the land they have saved. 

V. 

They have saved — did I say? Yes, I need not recall 
What may sound like a boast in the hearing of all. 
And this furnishes point to the lesson of truth 
That to-day by the couucil-fire proves to be sooth. 

VI. 

If the nation goes down, and its bright records close 

'Neath the constant assaults of unscrupulous foes. 

Let the lesson be set for the future to read — 

That Old Tammany took part nor lot in the deed, — 

That democracy, national, honest and true, 

Such as in the Great Wigwam so thriftily grew, 

Never weakened the nation or poisoned the State, 

Or gave treason its aid towards the national fate. 

VII. 

If the nation is saved — and who doubts of the end 

When we know Freedom's God must be freedom's best friend ? 

If the nation is saved, it must be by such arts 

As Old Tammany taught to ten millions of hearts ; — 

Not the arts of chicanery — sectional spite, — 

Theft or falsehood, usurping truth, reason and right, — 

Not the arts which crush white men as slaves, to the dust, 

And in squalid black skins put a confident trust ; 

Not the arts which so err on the opposite side 

And to State-Rights would sacrifice national pride ; — 

None of these are the arts by democracy taught 

And free given to the winds of unchained human thought. 



IS 



vni. 

other arts are democracy's — love of the land 

Spreading East, West, North, South, and on every hand ; 

Holding all as a brotherhood equal in right, 

Trampling down every wrong done .by arrogant might ; 

Repairing injustice wherever displayed 

And relighting each star that might flicker and fade ; 

Bending low to the flag, if in triumph or loss, 

With a reverence next to that paid to the cross ; 

Thinking every square foot of American ground 

The most sacred and holy in earth's circling bound, — 

And "American citizen", far or at home, 

A name privileged qaite, like the boast of old Rome. 

Such arts towards the country — such arts towards the land, 

As within our own households draw love's closest band, 

Arts of love, truth, good feeling — these have welded the chain ; 

These must save us, if ever we flourish again. 

IX. 

'Tis a dark day — a sad one : — so patriots feel 

On this day that such glory was wont to reveal — 

When the flap of the banner, from shore unto shore. 

By the cannon was answered with thundering roar. 

And the sage in the hall and the boy in the street 

On one level of pride were contented to meet. 

And the proud words that greeted each gathering host 

Were known as no hollow and arrogant boast. 

But a truth that each year gave a glorious increase, 

Of a great nation happy in power and peace. 

X. 

What has changed us ? What dark demon frightens the air 
And makes national pride droop its wing to despair? 
Nothing less— nothing more — than fanatical schemes 
That have mocked at all bound and run wild on extremes. 
The safe middle ground has been Fcorned as a rule. 
Made the jeer of the schemer and scoff of the fool ; 
And the man who refused to accept as his creed 
Some ultra belief that black discord would breed, 
And to act for onesided, blind, sectional weal, — 
Has been trodden and crushed 'neath the popular heel,— 
Called a "doughface", a mean, narrow-spirited elf, 
With no love for the race and no faith in himself. 
"Be something!" they cried— it was no matter what, 



14 

So each added some cup to the simmerinpf pot, 
And did ^oiuothing to hasten the fury and storm 
That the witches of (reason were shaping to form. 

XL 

And so each has grown something. Two mighty arrays 

With their torches close linked hold the land in a blaze : 

The dark Southern traitor, his weapon in hand 

And his covert supporters wide over the land, — 

And his gaunt Northern brother, more subtle and still, 

Yet quite as efl'ective for national ill. 

Who can talk of no sin but the slaveholder's vice. 

And would free every slave, with his country the price. 

Both sides labor together to compass our fall ; 

They are national enemies— enemies all. 

And the patriot hand would be justified quite. 

In this great people's eye and God's holier sight, 

That could raise in tliis trying and difficult hour. 

And assume for the time such a terrible power 

As would sweep all the ultraists— East, West, North, South, 

Where the heathen were swept by the breath of His mouth. 

XII. 

But remember the.<e men are not democrats — no, 

Though some of one class miy dare call themselves so. 

They have no more true claim to the democrat's pride, 

Than an oyster's a ship when it clogs up her side: 

They have never to use made a nearer approach 

Than that many-timesquoted fifth wheel to a coach : 

They are of us, no more than the plunderers whose tread 

Close follows an army to rifle the dead. 

Are part of those glorious brothers in arms 

Whose breasts meet the shock when war's trumpet alarms. 

XIII. 

The true democrat— ever the country's best friend. 

Tried and faithful at first, has been so to the end. 

In the days of our peace.- when the patriot's dreams 

Seemed so nearly f«l filled— he avoided e.dremes. 

'Tween ultraists ever a bulwark he stood. 

With no motive less high than the whole country's good, 

WliWe his hand held the power, although parties might chafe, 

Discord failed of its *>nd and the co\intry was safe ; 

And 'twas only when power was wrested away 

By the hand of a faction, that gloomed the dark day. 



15 



XIV. 

Whea Sumter weat dowu, for the country he rofe 

Bidding comfort to friends and defiance to foes ; 

His hand quickest grasped at flag, musket and sword, 

When the conflict began with the butternut horde ; 

At every defeat he has risen again, 

While the joy of each victory has flushed through his brain ; 

'Constitution and Union" his watchwords have formed. 

And his countrfs the best love his bosom that warmed. 

Not the South has he fought, but the traitors it gave ; 

Nor ignored the whole tvhite race to favor the .slave. 

XV. 
The War for the Union he soundly approves, 
For 'tis waged to preserve the old country be loves ; 
But the mode of its waging is imbecile still. 
And that he assaults and defends at his will. 
He hates Bastiles, and yet not the fear of their reach 
Can crush from his heart his belief iu free speech ; 
He hates treason, and lukcwarmnef.s scarcely the leps. 
And yet he calls out for /,ee thought and free press. 
He loves peace, and to joy all his pulses would spring, 
To see it once more o'er us wave its white wing • 
But no peace, with dishonor - no pau-e in the strife, 
While murder's red hand is yet aimed at our life ! 
A quick, vigorous war, men of brains at the helm, 
That all treason's res urces shall beggar and whelm, ' 
Till the whole world once more feels the old Union bands,- 
This is what he will figh* for and what he demands. 

XVI. 
Though the rebel foot treads Pennsylvanian soil 
And his ready hand gathers its millions of spoil,— 
Though the thunder of cannon from Gettysburgh heights 
The weak-nerved fills with horror— the timid affrighis,— 
Thouoh Sickles lies maimed and though Reynolds is dead, 
And the soil with the best blood we knew— is made red. 
Yet the fight must go on, and no cheek must grow pale. 
For the country is lost if our energies fail ; 
And not only our sunlight in night will go down. 
But the millions who bow at the nod of a crown. 
Will cry out : "So we told you ! The effort is vain ! 
See self-government tottering and falling again!" 
Shall this be so, and freedom's best hopes lick the dust, 



16 

When on ns she has rested unfaltering trust? 
Over roarings of cannon — o'er meanings of wo — 
I hear this great people wide thundering — "NO !" 

XVII. 

Two years since, when freedom's glad birth-day went by, 

Old Tiimniany's voice gave detraction the lie, 

And declared for the Union at every cost, 

Till the last coin be spent and the last man be lost. 

One year since that voice had an echo as clear. 

Though its bravest sons lay in that grave of a year. 

It was WALHiirnGE spoke first— it was Daly whose word 

For freedom and right in the second we heard ; 

It is Murphy whose voice, home from Europe's old lands, 

Shall tell us to-day where democracy stands. 

XVIII. 

One word more, and with that or a dozen instead 
Let us heed Douglas Taylor and cut off the thread. 
Old Tammany, speaking democracy's voice, 
Has a word for the man of the whole people's choice. 
Not for President — no, let the future decide 
Whether Seymour may not fill that station of pride ; — 
But for General: our army the great fight must win. 
And 'tis time, fully time for the end to begin. 
Let the shout ring abroad from Old Tammany Hall, 
• And ten millions, at least, will respond to the call : 
For the Union the land will yet suffer and bleed. 
And though gladly it trades off Jok Hooker for Meade, 
And believes in the latter "s pluck, vigor and speed, 
That already have taught Lee a les-on to read, — 
And will shout to the echo to see him succeed, — 
Yet it asks for its armies, McClellan to lead. 

The Quartette then sang the ]>cautiiiil ballads of " The 
Vacant Chair," and " When this Cruel War is Over." 

The Orator of the day, the Hon. IJenry C. Murphy, was then 
introduced to the audience by Grand Sachem Purdy, who in a few 
eulogistic remarks alluded to the past and present services of 
" our Kings County brother." After the applause which greet- 
ed him had subsided, Senator Murphy proceeded as follows : 



17 



ORATION. 

BY HON. HENRY C. MURPHY. 

Brothers and Friends : — We meet to-day to commemorate 
the birth of the nation, and to renew our pledges of fidelity to 
the Constitution under which we find protection and security for 
our civil and religious rights. We meet for a political purpose, 
but not as mere partisans. While we recall, with the deepest 
feelings of gratitude and admiration, the trials, the privations, 
the sacrifices, the sufferings, the heroic courage, the deeds of 
daring, and the unwavering devotion to the cause of liberty of 
those who won our independence, we offer the like homage of 
our hearts to their memory for the republican institutions which 
they bequeathed to us, as the crowning glory of their revolution. 
We regard it as a patriotic, and ever constant duty, to main- 
tain the principles which they thus established, and to guard 
them as well against the insidious and covert attacks of the 
enemies of popular liberty, as against the open violence of fac- 
tion. [Cheers.] In this spirit we invite all to participate in 
our proceedings this day, who acknowledge those principles, 
and who accept, as the watchwords of their political faith, the 
CONSTITUTION AND THE UNION. Until the breaking 
out of the present unhappy troubles in the country, the an- 
nual recurrence of the day has been the occasion amongst us of 
universal joy and pride and gratulation at the progress of the 
Republic. Under the benign influence of a free constitutional 
government, the nation had attained an unexampled growth, and 
was standing in the front rank of the powers of the world. 
3 



18 

Enterprise and iuvcntion Avere stimulated by leaving with the 
people the rewards of their industry. Virtue and intelligence 
were encouraged by throwing open to all the paths to public 
honors. Homes and firesides were made happy in the enjoy- 
ment of civil and religious freedom. Immigration flowed in 
upon the land, in a bold and unceasing current, under the 
protection anel privileges which were extended to the oppressed 
of other nations, and the fair and easy conditions upon which 
they were incorporated into the body politic. Foreign nations 
respected us because we extended to them all that we demanded 
from them — justice and right. The blessings of education were 
made accessible to every child of the Republic. The arts and 
sciences flourished. The comforts and elegances of life were 
placed within the reach of every portion of the people. The 
virgin soil yielded the richest harvests to a contented husbandry; 
the products of the country were exchanged for those of others, 
by means of a commerce whose tonnage exceeded that of any 
other nation in the world ; and our manufactories gave remu- 
nerative employment to multitudes of every handicraft. The 
resources and energies of the land were marvellous. These 
beneficent efiects of free institutions were regarded by the civil- 
ized world with astonishment, and by despots with fear. They 
could not be hid. They were silently making a change in arbi- 
trary government everywhere, and giving hopes of liberty to 
millions who never expected to reach our shores. The discovery 
of the New World — an event to which historians agree in at- 
tributing the most marked amelioration in the physical condition 
of the nations of Europe had not a greater influence in that 
respect than the successful experiment of self-government and 
republican institutions here exerted upon their political state. 
These grand results were the legitimate fruits of the Gov- 
ernment which the patriots of the Revolution formed. Inde- 
pendence of the mother country would have been a barren 
trimnph if the freedom achieved by them had not been wisely 



19 

regulated, and a Governnient established for the whole people. 
Discord and sectional strife nmst have been the inevitable con- 
sequence of divided dominion over questions of common interest. 
Such indeed had been, to some extent, the experience under the 
old Articles of Confederation. They therefore sought, in those 
respects, to make us one — to bind us together as a nation, pre- 
senting us to the world as a single political power, by conferring 
upon the General Government exclusive and supreme authority 
in conducting foreign relations; entering into treaties with other 
nations ; making war and peace ; regulating commerce ; raising 
armies and supporting a navy ; and cementing us together at home 
by granting a like authority over certain subjects of general 
concern, such as establishing a p(jstal system, coining money, im- 
posing and collecting duties, and establishing rules of naturali- 
zation. But these powers were not to be employed so as to abridge 
the liberties of the people in regard to the free exercise of relig- 
ion, freedom of speech and of the press, and immunity of life, lib- 
erty and peoperty, except by due process of law. Congress was 
made the depository of these powers, and the Congress was formed 
by a representation of the whole people, and of the States upon 
bases which were compromises of numerical strength and peculiar 
interests. Thus the Union gave us one name, so that every citi- 
zen of every State was an American. It gave us one flag, repre- 
senting one great nation —a banner which, wherever it waved in 
any quarter of the habitable globe, was respected. It gave us 
national glories, whether won by the valor of our troops on the 
battle-field, or by genius and enterprise in the pursuits of peace. 
It gave us national songs and traditions, which were sung and 
cherished with equal delight in every portion of the Republic. 
It gave us, apparently, one pre-eminent destiny, that of the most 
extended, the most powerful, tlie most free country the world 
ever saw. [Clieers.J It did all this, because, in the language 
of Washington, " it made us one people," and because, in the 
language of Jackson, " the allegiance of the citizens of the 



20 

States were transferred, iu the first instance, to the Government 
of the United States, and they beeauic American citizens." The 
Constitution wliich established our nationality and the indivisi- 
bility in the particulars just named, may not be perfect, though, 
as the experience of seventy years has shown, it is the most per- 
fect work of the kind that ever emanated from human wisdom. 
[Applause.] Its framers did not present it as a perfect instru- 
ment, nor was it adopted as such. In providing- iuit, however, 
in what manner it could be amended, they pointed out the only 
way in which its imperfections could be remedied. To say that 
the Union is a mere copartnership or league of the States to be 
dissolved at the pleasure of any one or more of them is, there- 
fore, to contradict the history, the language, and the design of 
the Constitution, as well as the uniform action of the people 
under it, and the solemn declaration of all the States themselves, 
save one, at the time the doctrine of secession was first put forth 
in South Carolina. "TAe Constitution" says the Father of his 
Country in his farewell address, ^'- till changed by an explicit act 
of the WHOLE people, is sacredly obligatory upon all." 

That great and good man, whose memory and counsels it is 
peculiarly proper on this occasion to recall, forewarned us also 
that the dangers which might beset the Union could not be pre- 
vented by constitutional provisions, but only by the virtue and 
patriotism of the peoi)le ; that they would be found in the efforts 
of ambitious men to create geographical parties, and in the 
madness of party spirit. He forewarned us of both, but his 
advice has not been heeded. These perils have at last been 
encountered, and their evils are now upon us. 

We meet therefore to-day, not as formerly witli exuberant 
feelings of joy and pride, to felicitate ourselves upon the bless- 
ings which have flowed upon us as a nation, but with emotions 
of sorrow and humiliation, and in the midst of a civil war whose 
magnitude and miseries have scarcely a parallel in history. The 
glory of America is obscured, the prestige of its greatness is 



21 

apparently gone, the hopes of the friends of constitutional lib- 
erty are despairing, and the Government itself is on the verge 
of destruction. This occasion, therefore, is one which demands 
that we should address ourselves to the duty which we owe at 
this hour to our country and to the memory of those who have 
committed to our keeping the ark and covenant of liberty. 

As, according to Washington, the Constitution is sacredly 
binding upon all, the general government is entitled to the 
paramount allegiance of every citizen of the Union. If it 
be a government at all, it is a government for the whole 
people, North and South. It is equally the duty of all sections 
of the Union to sustain it in all its constitutional powers, and 
to submit to all laws passed in accordance with them. There 
can be no escape by any one from this obligation. The artifice of 
the secession of a State where the insurgent may reside cannot 
absolve him from his allegiance to the just authority of the 
Union. The State can only act upon him Avithin the scope of 
its own sovereign powers and in subordination to those of the 
general government. 

Had there been an encroachment by the general government 
upon the reserved rights of the States or of the people of the 
South, and had redress, after proper representation, been denied 
them, it would have presented the case where an oppressed people, 
rising in defense of their liberties, would have been justified in 
taking up arms, upon the same principle as that which sanctioned 
the resistance of our fathers to British tyranny. The right of 
revolution overrides all law in such case, because it is the only 
alternative left against the abuse of power. But it is not that 
the federal government has infringed upon the rights of the 
States or has abused the powers entrusted to it : it is not that 
it has deprived any portion of the country of its just rights or 
has failed to protect them, that the present rebellion has arisen. 
Not a single grievance of the kind has been or can be alleged 
against it. It may be that its jjolicy has not always been the 



one most favorable to the South, but it has uot bceu less so to 
the people ol" that section, than to others. It has, however, 
never adopted a policy which had not its advocates there. And, 
what is more important, its policy at the breaking out of the 
rebellion was in full accord with their wishes and could not 
have been altered, however much it may have been threatened, 
il" the South had remained ti'ue to tiic Union and to its friends 
in the North. [Applause.] 

We must look for the motives of the rebellion beyond the acts 
of the general government. In asserting its independence of 
the Union, the South vindicates no right, redresses no wrong. 
Its course may be traced ultimately to the fact that it has lost 
the controlling power in the government. In the natural })ro- 
gress of events, the South, like the North and East, has been 
outnumbered both in the Senate and in the popular branch of 
Congress. For nearly three-quarters of a century it has, by 
means of its power in the Senate, dictated the policy of the 
Government, and has enjoyed a disproportioned share of the 
honors of the Republic. But by the extension of the Union 
and the consecpicnt admission of new States it at last lost that 
control. Certain ambitious men of the South could not brook 
the position in which they were thus placed, and under one pre- 
text and another have steadily sought for years to establish an 
independent government in which they would possess a ruling 
power and influence. For this purpose they have persistently 
misrepresented to the people of the South the sentiments of the 
people of the North in regard to slavery in the States under the 
Constitution. They have fomented and encouraged a sectional 
feeling in this respect against the North, until it ripened into 
bitter hostility. In this they have unfortunately been assisted 
by the small band of abolitionists in the North, pursuing their 
one idea regardless of the Constitution and the Union. State" 
after State in tlie North, under the guidance of men seeking 
local poAvcr, has passed laws in violation of State comity and 



23 

constitutional obligations iu regard to. slavery to satisfy these 
fanatics. Yet, with all these acts of the Northern States, un- 
kind, but not of any serious eifect other than to produce a just 
irritation in the South against the authors of them, the General 
Government has maintained its course undeviatingly in sustain- 
ing the rights of the South. 

The object, therefore, of the promoters of this rebellion is 
final separation and a division of the Union. To this end they 
have seized the forts and property of the Union within the South- 
ern limits, have defied the authority of the General Government, 
made war, and declared themselves our enemies until we consent 
to the separation. The naked question is presented to us, will 
we consent ? [No ! no ! and cheers.] 

To do so would be the first step in the entire disintegration 
of the Union, — the prelude to a division sooner or later into 
several governments, if not into as many as there are States. 
No one can look upon the geography of the country which 
will be left after taking from the Union the Southern States 
and permit himself to hope that it could long remain united. 
Whenever the conflict of sectional interests might arise, the 
precedent of secession, being once established, would become 
the example for further separation without a struggle. And 
what then? Instead of presenting to the world the accomplished 
fact of a powerful nation, demanding and securing from it un- 
disturbed peace and prosperity, we would afford it the spectacle 
of so many petty sovereignties engaged in defending tliemselves 
from each others encroachments. We would gain the contempt 
of other "nations, and lose all influence or power to resist their 
aggressions. 

But to submit to the claims of the rebellion is not only to 
abandon the Union, and to yield our territorial rights to hostile 
hands, but it is to incur the crime and perfidy of surrendering 
to faction the sacred trust of republican government committed 
to our hands. With ample powers conferred upon the govern- 



24 

ment for its own prcservatiou, with no just cause for separation, 

we would be recreant to duty, and unworthy of the liberties 

we have inlierited, if we hesitated for a moment to maintain 

the authority of the Union in its fullest integrity. [Applause.] 

" Reproach and everlasting shame 
Would mock us in our plumes " 

It is indeed said by the rebels, and reiterated even here in 
our midst, that the general government has no power to coerce 
the states into obedience to its authority. This is a doctrine 
invented for the purpose of deceiving those who, unable to dis- 
cover tlie right of secession, would still elfect its object without 
doing violence to their consciences. The power to suppress 
insurrection is expressly given to Congress, without limitation 
or qualification : and in exercising this power, as in the dis- 
charge of all its functions, the general government acts directly 
upon the individuals owing it paramount allegiance, and not 
upon the states. The states can no more interpose between it 
and the insurgents in arms than they could between it and a 
merchant who owes duties at the Custom house. 

The sophistries of secession and non-coercion of states cannot 
avail. They are equally unfounded. They are twin abortions. 
They are repugnant to the natural instincts of the people, and 
contrary to tlie national conscience, grounded as it is in the 
constitution, and enlightened by the })recepts of Washington 
and the fathers of the republic. The people repudiated them 
when traitorous hands struck at the flag of the Union in the 
opening scene of the rebellion, and forgetting their party dif- 
ferences and animosities, they rushed to its defense as one man. 
In the spirit and alacrity with which the people then acted, we 
find to-day the continuous duty of every loyal citizen. [Great 
applause.] The rebellion strikes at the existence of all govern- 
ment and at our dearest interests and rigiits. It matters not 
who may represent the government for the time being. It is 
enough that it is in hands to which it has been committed by 



25 

the constitution. It is to be sustained for ourselves, and for 
our children ; for the sake of social order and of civil liberty ; 
as a duty to those who founded it, and to the brave souls who 
have laid down their lives in this contest, and who are still 
battling under the banner of the Union. [Loud cheers.] 

Loyalty of the people to the government, however, is not all 
that is required by the present emergency. There is also a 
loyalty, so to speak, due from the government to the people. The 
obligation is reciprocal. The government must not transcend 
its lawful powers, nor encroach upon the rights of the citizen. 
It is the warning voice of the past that gives the admonition. 
The history of civil wars is replete with examples of power, 
usurped under the plea of necessity, ending in permanent 
military despotism. Therefore it is that the people are jealous 
of power and jealous of their privileges. Fortunately for us, 
there is no difficulty in defining the limits of the one or the 
other. The Constitution is here still our guide. 

This is not a war of conquest or subjugation. Such a war 
under any circumstances would be contrary to the nature and 
genius of our institutions, which are based upon the right of 
the people to self-government, and are abhorrent to dominion 
by force. It would be anti-republican and inhuman. But in 
the present instance the war is for a definite object. The pur- 
pose on the part of the government can rightfully only be 
to restore the supremacy of the laws and to disarm rebellion. 
Its duty and authority are plainly written in the constitu- 
tion — " to suppress insurrection." If the war should cease 
to-morrow, the insurgents could not be held as a subjugated 
people. They would be freemen, amenable it is true to the 
laws for their conduct, but still freemen possessing all the 
rights of other citizens of the republic. 

Measures, therefore, adopted for any other end than to 
compel obedience to the constitution and laws of the general 
government, are unauthorized, and tend to weaken the cause 



26 

of the IJuion aud to effect the object of the rebellion. Espe- 
cially of that uiuvarrantable character are those measures 
which seek to subvert the fundamental institutions of the 
states, so that upon the return of peace and union those insti- 
tutions will be abolished. I refer now to domestic slavery. 
As a system of state policy, whether in peace or war, the 
general government can have nothing to do with it. In a state 
of civil war, slaves of insurgents share the same fate as their 
other property falling into the hands of the government. As 
I have previously observed, the government, in using coercive 
measures, acts upon individuals and not upon the states ; and 
on the other hand, the acts of these states against the authority 
of the government are not binding upon their citizens. Indis- 
criminate measures, therefore, which emancipate the slaves of 
Union men, as well as rebels, are unauthorized, and can have 
no other purpose than to exterminate the institution. Their 
effect is to absolve Union men, who are slaveholders, from 
their allegiance, to add to the number of those in rebellion, and 
to intensify the war. For the accomplishment of such a pur- 
pose the constitution-abiding men of the country will not 
consent. It is not that they regard slavery and slaveholders 
with special care. If slavery as an institution be an evil, 
moral and political, it is one Avhich attaches not to them. It 
is left by the Constitution to be regulated by the states. 
They wish to leave it as their fathers left it. They see in this 
war a resistance to the authority of the general government 
alone ; and hence their lives, and the lives of their sons, are 
not to be sacrificed for the abolition of slavery in the South, 
any more than for the abolition of serfdom in Russia. 

The idea of subjugation is hostile to the whole policy upon 
which the government should conduct the war. Its measures, 
while decided, should be with no spirit of conquest or revenge. 
The citizens of the South, however misled, are our brothers 
still. The number of them engaged in the rebellion is too 



27 

great, the vigor and energy wkh which it is carried on, show 
too much the sincerity of their feelings in their cause, their 
temper and courage have been too thoroughly tested, to permit 
us to treat them otherwise. The legitimate consequences of 
their acts they must indeed suffer as long as they resist. But 
we could not justify ourselves to the world in seeking to 
destroy them. We should rather hold out terms of conciliation 
and peace, and a return to that paternity which made us and 
them prosperous and strong — strong enough to resist the world 
in arms. 

The masses of the Southern people have been led to believe 
that the North meditates an interference with their state rights, 
and in that belief they have entered upon the rebellion, and 
have for two years successfully maintained their independence. 
Such is not the intention on our part ; yet no attempt has been 
made by the government to undeceive them. It demands an 
unconditional submission on their part. No proifer of an 
opportunity for peace has been offered. The people of the 
South should be made to understand that every advantage of 
freedom and protection in their rights will be secured to them, 
in order that they may see that there is no benefit to accrue to 
them by separation. In the position which they have main- 
tained, it would not be derogatory to our honor or dignity, 
nor would it be unwise or unprecedented to extend to them the 
olive branch. We must never forget that they are our coun- 
trymen, bound to us by a common origin, a common interest, 
a common language, and a common faith. [Applause.] If 
after a fair and honorable opportunity, a just accommodation 
be refused by them, we shall then stand acquitted before God 
and man for the great effusion of human blood and the incal- 
culable misery which the continuance of this conflict must 
necessarily cause, until peace and order be restored. 

Affecting each of us personally and entirely indefensible is 
the attempt of the government to suppress opinion in regard to 



28 

its acts, and to punish by martial law citizens not in the mili- 
tary or naval service. [Applause.] This is a government of 
opinion. It is subject to change every four years by that 
means alone. Its policy and measures are necessarily the 
subject of animadversion as well as of praise. It is only by a 
free and unrestricted discussion of them that a weak and imbe- 
cile administration can be changed : for without information 
the people will not know how to act. Mr. Jeiferson went so 
far, in his first inaugural address, as to say : " If there be any 
among us who would wish to dissolve the Union or to change 
its republican form, let them stand undisturbed, as monuments 
of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated 
where reason is left free to combat it." And so may we say, 
that if there are any who wish to make peace by the division 
of the Union, let them stand undisturbed, for the same reason. 
Such opinions do not constitute treason or an offence against 
the laws. For the people have a right, in their ultimate 
character in convention, to adopt such a policy if they deem it 
wise. For offences, such as the actual encouragement of insur- 
rection. Congress can pass laws under the power to suppress 
insurrection. They have done so, and men violate those laws at 
their peril. The rights of speech and the press do not import 
immunity for whatever may be said or written. If any violate 
the law in so doing, they are punishable by the law, but 
by the civil law alone. It is monstrous to take a citizen for 
any alleged offence whatever, and subject him to a military 
court. There is no lawful power in any department of the 
government, or in all of them combined, to do it. [Loud 
applause.] The suspension of the privilege of the writ of 
habeas corpus does not authorize it. The public safety 
authorizes the suspension of that privilege : but that suspension 
extends no further than to subject the party to the trial which 
the law authorizing such suspension may provide ; and Con- 
gress in providing such a trial, is bound by the guarantees 



29 

secured to the citizen in the .constitution, to give him a trial 
according to the course of the common law. 

The idea that the President has any power arbitrarily to 
determine when the public safety may require the imprison- 
ment and condemnation by court-martial of a citizen, is to 
place all our personal rights at his feet. He is not to judge 
of the public safety ; — that belongs to the people through their 
representatives in Congress. It is his duty to see the laws 
executed, and as a military commander to confine his powers 
to military men and military operations. The people have 
gone into the present contest for upholding the Union for 
the sake of liberty — constitutional liberty. It would be 
strange, indeed, if they would surrender that to a military 
despotism. [Applause.] 

But I will pursue the subject no further. When the invaders 
are thundering at the gates of the Capital, it might seem an ill- 
timed censoriousness upon the President to say more. His em- 
barrassments we must admit, his patriotism we will not doubt, 
but his evil counsels and mistakes we must deplore. We 
have, however, a present duty to perform before which all 
other considerations must temporarily yield. It is told of the 
old Roman, Fabius, when the great Carthaginian had in his 
sight, defeated his rival, and the way to Rome seemed open to 
the victorious Hannibal, he addressed his soldiers in these terms : 
" If any of you have a regard for Minucius, exert yourselves, 
for he deserves assistance for the love he bears his country. If 
in his haste he has committed any error, this is not the time to 
find fault with him." In the same spirit, while we firmly 
remonstrate against the invasion of our rights, we will sustain 
the President in the impending struggle by all the aid in our 
power to bestow, and our patriotic prayers for his success 
against the enemies of the Union. [Cheers.] 

The present danger happily past, let us hope that the Gov- 
ernment and people, pursuing in their respective spheres a 



90 

liue of duty, patriotic and just, may, before another anniver- 
sary of this day, see our country again united and happy under 
the Constitution and Republican Institutions of our fathers, and 
made stronger by the sad experience of the last two years, put- 
ting forever to silence the sneers and mockeries of the monarch- 
ists and aristocrats of the world, and cheering the hearts of the 
friends of freedom everywhere. [Applause.] But if this hope 
shall not be realized, whatever disaster may now or hereafter 
befall the armies of the Union, let us not despair of the Repub- 
lic ; but, conscious of right, and doing our whole duty to our 
country, let us ever hold on to the Constitution and the Union 
in a spirit of conciliation, and in the hope of peace, but not by 
submission to the demands of those who will have peace on no 
other terms than separation. [Loud and continued cheers.] 

The Grand Sachem then read a resolution, offered by Col. 
Delavan, conveying the thanks of the Society to Brothers 
Murphy and Fields, and to Messrs. Morford and Perkins, 
and also acknowledging the kindness of Messrs. Geary, Olney, 
" Father Reed's Quartette," and Messrs. Bristow and Harden- 
BROOK. The resolution Avas enthusiastically adopted, as was 
also a resolution to publish the proceedings in pamphlet form. 

Mr. GusTAVUS Geary then sang, in splendid style, the 
pathetic ballad, " Dear Mother, Fve come home to die," which 
was tumultuously encored, and the patriotic Irish melody of 
" The Minstrel Boy.'' After which the " Star Spangled Banner'"' 
was sung by the Quartette, the entire audience joining heartily 
in the chorus. 

This concluded the exercises in the large hall, and Grand 
Sachem Purdy, in thanking the audience for their attention, 
invited them to visit Tammany Hall on the next recurrence of 
the anniversary, when he hoped they would celebrate the restora- 
tion as well as the formation of "The Union." 



31 



"THE BANQUET EOOM." 

A splendid collation, including a sufficiency of punch, cham- 
pagne and edibles of every description, had been prepared by 
Mr. Pearsall in the large room of the General Committee, 
and the larger portion of those present at the exercises 
remained and partook of the good things so plentifully pro- 
vided for them. As soon as the room was well filled, and 
while the guests were occupied in partaking of the " Waters of 
the Great Spring," the Hon. Horatio Seymour, Governor of 
the State of New York, entered the room, and was introduced 
by the Grand Sachem to the assembled multitude. In answer 
to the tumultuous cheers and calls of the audience, the Governor 
addressed them as follows : 

ADDRESS OF GOVERNOR SEYMOUR. 

It gives me great pleasure to meet with the members of Tam- 
many Society on this occasion. I thank you for this kind recep- 
tion, and for the generous support you have given me heretofore. 
In these days of change and disorder it is cheering to enter the 
hall of an institution which has outlived so many organizations ; 
which stands almost the sole survivor of those which were 
founded at the time of its creation, which is as old as the Gov- 
ernment itself. Age has brought with it no weakness. Its 
influence was never greater than at this time. 

Rumors reach us that our soldiers have gained great victories. 
This society has a deep interest in every battle-field ; for it has 
sent forth its sous at every call, and to-day, in pursuance of my 
orders, a large number of its members are defending a sister 
State from armed invasion. 

This society, during its long history, has embraced among its 
members, many of the most eminent men of our State. It has 
proved true, not only to national honor, but also to the rights 
of the State, and the franchises of its citizens. I am happy to 



32 

meet with its members on this national anniversary, which they 
have observed for so many years. I give you — 

" Tammany Society — ancient, honorable, vigorous and patri- 
otic ; may it ever in the future, as in the past, prove true to 
the Constitution of our country, the flag of our Union, and the 
rights of the States." 

After the cheering had subsided and the sentiment of the Gov- 
ernor had been received with " all the honors," the Grand 
Sachem announced that the. regular order would be proceeded 
with, and gave the first regular toast : 

TiiK Day we Celebrate : — May the next anniversary of this 
memorable day be celebrated in every State of the 
Union — recognizing the Constitution in the spirit in 
which it was Ibunded — and the entire people of our now 
distracted land bound together in bonds of equality, 
concord and fraternity. 

To which the Hox. Thomas C. Fields responded. 

To the second regular toast : 

Washl\<!Ton : — The Soldier, Patriot and Statesman, — His name 
and services are imperishably identified with the liberty, 
glory and prosperity of the American people. 

^Ir. lIosKA I>. Perkins responded as follows : 

The theme upon which I have been invited to address you is 
a somewhat hackneyed one. Yet 1 would ask the question : 
Can the American peoi)le ever become satiated with the name of 
Wasliingtou? But, on the contrary, will not our admiration 
of him increase as our country increases in population and ex- 
tent, in greatness and glory ; and when our land shall become 
the great centre of agriculture' and connnerce, of art and arms, 
of science, literature, and song, will not, then, millions of free- 
men venerate the name of him who was the master spirit in 
laying the foundation ot" the Jlepublic on the broad basis of 
constitutional liberty i True, we might mention many who 



33 

have done good in their day, and Left the enduring impress 
of their character upon the age in which they lived ; and, while 
we point with pride to Franklin, the philosopher ; to Jefferson, 
the statesman ; and Jackson, the soldier and patriot, our hearts, 
all unbidden, turn with their warmest love to Washington. 
There is hardly a being throughout the civilized world, that 
knows anything, tliat is not somewhat familiar with his charac- 
ter. Who does not know him as the young man who, at the 
early age of twenty-one stepped forth the fearless and undaunt- 
ed champion of his country's rights ; and, when other brave 
men paled and cowered before the enemies of freedom, he 
stood firm as a god amid the ruins of a world ? Who does not 
know him as the gallant leader of that heroic little band that 
crossed the Delaware on that dark, cold, and stormy December 
night, and won for himself a name that will outlive, in history, 
that of the three hundred brave Spartans who fell at the bloody 
pass of ThermopyliB. What, Sir, is the fame of the great 
Athenian and Spartan, when compared with the imperishable 
halo of glory that encircles the brow of Washington. 

" Rome had its Cresar, great aud brave, 
But stain was on his wreath ; 
He lived the heartless conqueror, 
And died the tyrant's death." 

Yes, the lustre of the Roman conquests were tarnished by 
their inhumanity to the conquered ; but, the diadem on the head 
of Washington loses none of its brilliancy by any cruel or re- 
vengeful act. What earthly being so pure as Washington! 
Who has given so much proof that he was so far above all 
human temptation? Napoleon, wonderful as he was in the 
originality of his intellect — grand and powerful as all acknowl- 
edge him to have been in genius and skill — could never reach 
the highest pinnacle of earthly renown, for his was not that 
"moral grandeur that makes the mighty man." Napoleon was 
the representative of a wild and furious democracy, that burst 



34 

forth like a heaving volcano in the sunny land of France ; but 
Washington was the embodiment of those great principles of 
civil and religious liberty, so dear to us all. His transcendent 
character has inspired the lips of the orator, and guided the 
pen of the poet. It called forth the homage of Old Albion's 
gifted child of song, when ho wrote the immortal lines : 

" Can tyrants but by tyrants conquered be, 

And Freedom find no champion and no child, 
Such as Columbia saw arise when she 
Sprung forth a Pallas, armed and uudefiled ? 

" Or must such minds be nourished in the wild 
Beep in the unpruned forest, 'midst the roar 
Of cataracts, where nursing Nature smiled 
On infant Washington." 

Let us then, my fellow-citizens, emulate his character. Let 
us resolve, at every hazard, and at whatever cost, to maintain 
those great Constitutional liberties bequeathed to us by 
Washington and his compatriots. Never, never, my fellow- 
democrats, let the light of this noble Government go down in 
anarcliy and blood to an ignoble grave. Uphold the pillars of 
this fair temple of our liberty in your day and generation (at 
least) as a home for the exile and wanderer from any land. 

" In the long vista of years to come, 

May we not see our country's honor fade, 
But may she retain her soul, her freedom, 
And not Freedom's shade !" 

Whenever we, as a nation, cease to cherish the memory of 
Washington, theu, indeed, will the stars of heaven shine upon 
an ungrateful and degenerate race. His image may lade 
from the canvas —yon statue of bronze and granite may moulder 
away — Columbia's hills may, in the desolating march of time, 
be crumbled into dust — yet, while there lives in God's bright 
earth a solitary Ijcing whose heart beats to the transports of 
liberty, Washington will be to him the great exemplar of all 



35 

that is pure, patriotic, and glorious ! Noble Washington, great 
champion of Liberty ! Old Mother Earth never nurtured 
on her kindly bosom a truer patriot. Heaven never admitted 
within its radiant gates a more God-like spirit. 

To the third regular toast — 

The Constitution of the United States: — It was founded 
in a spirit of justice and equal rights — it must be obeyed 
by the G-overnment as well as by the people. 

Mr. Herny L. Clinton responded as follows : 
Grand Sachem, Brothers of the Tammany Society and Fel- 
low Democrats : 

Since the last commemoration of our national birth-day, the 
Tammany Society, the Democracy of the City of New York, of 
the State and of the North and West, have had great cause for 
rejoicing. When we met, one year ago to-day, the political 
skies were shrouded in black, the whole land was overspread 
with darkness. But when the news of election after election 
traveled over the country on the wings of lightning, that dark- 
ness was followed by the light of Democratic reason, until at 
length the political firmament was studded with the stars of 
Democracy. The heart of every Democrat leaped with joy to 
behold shining forth, with resplendent lustre, that polar-star of 
national Democracy — Horatio Seymour. [Tremendous applause.] 

So long as our political pilots steer their course by that star, 
the Union is safe. It can defy the rocks of secession and the 
quick-sands of black republicanism. [Applause.] Our oppon- 
ents take' courage, and would fain believe that although the 
Democracy arose in their might and swept republican fanaticism 
from power in this State, yet they (the republicans) as a party, 
only met with a slight reverse. Their notion of the defeat of 
their party in this State reminds me of the description of an 
accident I have somewhere seen, which read like this: "Mr. 
Smith, who was standing on the platform of a railroad car, 



36 

wlicii the train rai)i(lly turned a curve in the road, was dashed 
with oTcat violence on the urouud and broke his neck, but fortu- 
nately received no further injury." 

Were there need that any one be admonished of the necessity 
and imperative duty of maintaining the unity of the Democratic 
party, let liim but remember that its prosperity has been the 
prosperity of the country : whenever that party has encountered 
defeat, disaster has befallen the nation. In 1860, the Demo- 
cratic party was rent in twain ; soon, very soon, our beloved 
country was torn asunder and subjected to all the evils of civil 
war, although the Democracy had done all in their power (ex- 
cept to concentrate their whole political force upon a single 
ticket, at the last election.) to avert this war, yet, when enraged, 
insolent, organized and God-defying treason insulted and fired 
upon the flag of our nation, the Democracy, as one man, sprang 
to arms, rushed to the support of the National Government, 
with a noble patriotism which sank all party ditferences, in the 
single indomitable determination that the authority of the laws 
should be restored, that the glorious stars and stripes should 
float in triumph over all parts of our country, and that at all 
hazards the Union and the Constitution should be preserved. [Great 
applause.] 

True, their beau-ideal of a Union was not a union of pesti- 
lent abolitionism and fire-eating secession, — not a union of hell- 
born fanaticism and infernal treason, — not a union crimsoned 
witli the blood of helpless children and defenseless Avomen,- not 
a union seen through the blazing fires of a servile insurrection, 
enveloping the habitations of millions of people, but a Union 
such as existed in the halcyon days of the republic,- -a union of 
interests, — a union of prosperity,— a union of aflection, — a union 
of unfading glory, — a nnion which was born of the necessities 
of the people, which was rocked in tho cradle of the Revolution 
of '76, and which grew to powerful manhood, under the foster- 
ing protection of the Constitution of the United States. [Loud 
and long continued applause.] 



37 

The Constitution ! A noble theme ! . To recount its merits 
would be to rehearse the history of the nation from its natal 
day to the present hour. It is that sacred instrument which 
has given us our domestic prosperity and greatness, and secured 
for us our proud name among the nations of the earth. The 
sentiment, " The Constitution must and shall be preserved," is 
indelibly written on the heart of the Democracy, — ingrained in 
their very being ! Overthrow the Constitution and you cannot 
long avert the decay of Democracy and the irretrievable ruin of 
the country. 

It was to prevent such a calamity (which wise men believed 
was impending over us,) that, last Autumn, the Democracy of 
this great metropolis rallied in their might, as they had never 
done before, and rolled up a majority of over thirty-one thou- 
sand in favor of placing in the gubernatorial chair Horatio 
Seymour, the great champion of liberty and the Constitution, 
" now and forever, one and inseparable." [Great applause.] 

Most fortunate for the State and nation it is, that the Empire 
City gave to the Empire State of this glorious Uuiun a Demo- 
cratic Governor who knows how to hold the reins of power and 
guide the State to prosperity and renown. It is but a few days 
since the Republican Governor of Pennsylvania called upon our 
Democratic Governor for military aid, to protect that State from 
the invasion, plunder and devastation of the rebel hosts. Most 
nobly did our Democratic Governor respond. He has shown 
that while he will protect the citizens of the Empire State in 
their legal and Constitutional rights, he stands ready to aid 
with the iron hand of military power, in crushing the rebellion ; 
and with extraordinary promptness, he sends the brave militia 
of New York to protect the soil of a sister State from the un- 
hallowed tread of the armed legions of Southern treason. [Loud 
applause.] But in fighting the treason of the South, it is no 
part of his mission, nor is it the destiny of the Democracy, to 
wage war against the liberty of the North. Let the Democ- 



38 

racy sustain the Government in all its legal and Constitutional 
measures, and the good old ship of state, against which the 
billows of fanaticism dash with remorseless fury, will yet out- 
ride the storm. 

The time for a Presidential election will soon come, when 
the voice of the People will be heard uttering the mandate to 
President Lincoln and those composing his administration, 
to vacate the high places in the gift of the nation, and 
make room for those in whom the people can confide. Our 
Republican friends will then no longer deny that the people 
with one accord pi'oclaim Horatio Seymour the foremost 
statesman of America. [Tremendous applause. J God grant 
that the condition of our institutions may not be such, that 
on the 4th of March, 1865, when, in obedience to the be- 
hests of the people, constitutionally expressed through the 
ballot box, the Democracy take possession of all branches of 
the National Government, it may not be their first duty to 
dig out the priceless jewel — liberty — from beneath the ruins 
of the noblest fabric the world ever saw — the Constitution 
of the United States ! [Applause. J 

In the meantime, let the Democracy slacken not in their zeal 
and patriotism, but continue manfully to fight the battles of 
their country, and preserve our beloved, time-hallowed, blood- 
sealed Union: |(Jreat applausej a Union which for over 
three quarters of a century has brought us prosperity, great- 
ness, glory, and has given us the first rank in the family of 
nations. 

To borrow the language (slightly paraphrased) of our 
chosen chief, the Governor of our State, " Therefore it is that 
we tell you, and we tell the whole world, that this great con- 
servative party— the Democracy will erect the shattered 
columns of the Union. We will lift it higher, still nearer 
Heaven than it was before, and from its lofty top and growing 
greatness, there shall ever wave your nation's flag, with every 



:3.0 

star and every stripe that has, been placed there in the won- 
derful progress of our country ; and whatever other parties 
may say— as for the division of the Union, and the breaking 
up of that great natural alliance, which is made by nature and 
nature's God — the Democracy will never consent to it. No, 
never, as long as they have a voice to raise or a hand to fight 
for this glorious land." [Loud applause.] Permit me to con- 
clude with a toast : 

" Horatio Seymour and the Constitution of the United States ! 
— The teachings of the one and the mandates of the oth*er consti- 
tute the creed of the Democracy and the immortality of the 
nation!" [Enthusiastic and prolonged applause.] 

The Grand Sachem then gave the fourth regular toast — 

The Federal Government : — We will continue to render to 
the Government our earnest and united support in the 
use of all legitimate means to restore the Union as it 
was, and maintain the Constitution as it is. 

And introduced the Hon. Edwards Pierrepont, who spoke 
as follows: 

Grand Sachems and Gentlemen op the Tammany Society : — 
I do not know who wrote this toast, but I know that it was 
printed before the news of these splendid victories of the Union 
reached us, and I have observed that Tammany is not accustom- 
ed to wait for events to shape her principles, but she boldly 
announces her principles and leaves events to be directed by 
the " Great Spirit" who will do all things well. I have joy in 
responding to this toast. It is the " Government of the 
United States " to which we pledge our " earnest and united 
support :" — not to man, nor to any set of men do we owe alle- 
giance — -not to men nor to any set of men will we pay allegiance 
— but to the Government ; 'tis our Government, and to that, 
with one united heart, we give our full and earnest support. 

Have you ever considered, fellow-citizens, what would be the 
consequence if the democratic party should withdraw its sup- 



40 

port from the Government ? I have taken some pains to learn, 
Ironi the best sources, something of the politics of our army, 
and I can assure you, that of the gallant officers who lead our 
men to battle, a vast majority are democrats : of the brave 
soldiers who have left their homes to peril their lives in this 
conflict, a large majority are democrats. Let them withdraw 
their support from the Government and the war would end in 
an hour! And have you considered what consequence would 
swiftly follow such ending to this war ? Dissolution — inevita- 
ble dissolution of the Union. The war was begun for that 
definite end. The leading statesmen of the South determined 
to have a separate and independent Government. For that they 
scattered the Charleston Convention ; — for that they had long 
prepared the Southern mind ■ — for that they fired on Fort 
Sumter — for that they suffer every sacrifice and fight like 
brave men ; and on that they stake their hopes, their pride, 
their life, their all ! 

If you will look at the map of the United States you will see 
that two great nations cannot live and preserve a vestige of 
freedom between the great lakes and the Gulf of Mexico; there 
could be no lasting peace, and without peace there could be no 
freedom long. Between the Lakes and the Gulf there is not a 
dividing line ; the waters of the great rivers roll down from 
the North through the South — can we live with the mouths of 
our rivers in the possession of an enemy ? Shall Fortress 
jSIonroe which threatens New York, the mouth of the Chesapeake 
Bay, the Capes of Florida, the entrance to the Mississippi, the 
Gulf of Mexico, the connnand of all our trade with California, 
with South America, with Cuba, the West Indies, the entire 
Pacific Ocean and with nearly all the world be held by a 
foreign power, which may at any time become an insolent and 
hostile foe? Shall New Orleans, Norfolk and Baltimore be 
free ports, and Boston, New York and Philadelphia be closed 
by a tarift'? Do you iniagiue that the North will long remain 



41 

united with the West after we have made an ignoble peace with 
the South ? There can be no peace except on terms of Union. 

The sun that sets on an ignoble peace will never rise on a 
nation of freemen. When ignoble peace is made Liberty will 
wipe the dust from her feet on the North and flee away forever. 
Great standing armies, enormous disbursements by Government, 
oppressive taxes and a great rival nation by your side with 
which you may at any time be at war, are sure and swift 
destroyers of liberty. [Applause.] 

This war has lasted much longer than many at first antici- 
pated ; but, remember, we have been fighting Americans ; it is 
battle between those of kindred blood, and could we hover 
over the field of strife we 

" On each side could trace 
Some lineaments of the same brave father's face, 
And in their spirit nil of him." 

I rejoice that the South, since fight they would, have fought 
valiantly; they are my countrymen, and I look forward to the 
day when, side by side, the North and South shall contend 
against the arrayed despots of the world and tell with pride 
how bravely each side fought in the mad civil wars which are 
past away. This Union will be restored by honorable peace. 
I have seen families contend about estates with such bitterness 
that brother would wish to tear a brother's heart, yet finally 
the controversy is settled, time soothes the hate, and the brothers 
find that when their sister is assailed, the past is forgiven and 
the union" for her defense is cordial and complete. So will it be 
with us if we are true to our manhood and stand united at the 
North. [Loud Clieers.J 

Tell our Government, and those who cry " stop the war," 

that they dare not make ignoble peace — they dare not meet the 

brave soldiers returning from the war, whose valor they would 

disgrace by a disgraceful peace — they dare not look into the re- 

6 



42 

proachful eyes of the wives, the daughters, the sisters and the 
Avidows of those wlio, leaving all most dear, went down to the 
war witli life in their hands to fight for that liberty and union 
lor which our fathers died. [Great a])plansc. ] 

Tliose entrusted with the present administration of our Gov- 
ernment have received extremest censure. No doubt many 
faults, many mistakes, many errors have been committed, but 
these are difficult times ; the public mind is excited, this is civil 
war, and it is easy to find fault. Honest men and patriots will 
pass over lightly many an error which may have been committed 
in earnest efforts to preserve the integrity of our beloved 
country. 

Many a life-long democrat, too, is severely censured for the 
errors which he has committed while engaged in the mainte- 
nance of our Government. I see in this Hall, on the right of 
the immortal Washington, the almost equally immortal Henry 
Clay, and his look from the canvas recalls when his constitu- 
ents, the hunters of Kentucky, sharply censured him for his 
vote in Congress; he was offering himself again for their 
suffrages, and his vote had lost him tlicir favor. He asked 
them if they had a gun which had served them long and well ; 
which had saved their lives, which had never failed in its aim, 
which had never missed fire, but should once snap and not go off, 
whether they would, forgetting all the past fidelity and trust, 
throw the gun away '? or would they pick the flint and try the 
old faithful piece again? Henry Clay continued to represent 
Kentucky till he died. 

There is but one way to an honorable peace, and a re-union 
of the States. You cannot bring back the Southern people as 
a subject race — no power can do that no right minded man 
denies that. Do you think that if New York and New Eng- 
land were heartily united, that all the rest of the States could 
subjugate them? — impose serfdom, or sell a white man for 
debt? No more can we subjugate the South. We can break their 



43 

military power, we can close their sea ports and destroy their 
prosperity ; but make them a conquered people, with unequal 
rights, never; they are of our own blood, born with unconquer- 
able love of freedom. But they have sense, and when beaten in 
the field, and when they see that separate government is hopeless, 
and that there can be no peace without union, peace can then 
come and without disunion. [Loud applause.] 

I would pledge my all — my life — that peace would come in 
ninety days if the North with one united voice would say to the 
South : " Division is impossible, it is fatal to the prosperity of 
of us all, end this unnatural strife, return to the Union which 
our fathers made, under which we have been so long blest, and 
every right which the Constitution gave shall be faithfully and 
sacredly preserved to you. But one country we will have from 
the lakes to the Gulf, and for that we will fight with one deter- 
mined heart and soul until the last syllable of time." [Cheers.] 

If that voice was honest it would be heard, and if heard it 
would bring a speedy and an honorable peace ; the clouds of 
rebellion which have blotted the Southern constellations from 
the sky would roll away and their stars would shine in all their 
primal brightness, and this majestic nation would again move 
on towards the fulfilment of her great destiny. 

To the fifth regular toast — 

The Governor of the State of New York : — A wise, patriotic 
and gallant leader. His career amid the trying duties 
of this dark period in our history is a bright example 
of his honesty, capacity and fidelity, worthy of the 
Empire State and of the great Democratic Party which 
elevated him to power. 

The audience loudly called for Governor Seymour to respond, 
who, after silence was restored, eloquently addressed the en- 
thusiastic assembly, and in the course of his speech received 
repeated assurances from the audience of their continued appro- 
bation and support. 



44 

The sixth regular toast was tlicn given — 

The City of New York :— Renowned throughout the world 
for her commercial greatness, the standard oi' her good 
name is advanced still higher by the conduct of her 
thousands who have rallied in defense of those institu- 
tions which give security to her prosperity. 

To which the Hon. Samuel J. Tilden responded. 
To the seventh regular toast — 

The Democratic Party : — Upon its union and success depend 
the future of the Republic. He who would seek to 
lower its standard of patriotism and principle, or to 
distract and divide its councils, is an enemy to the 
country. 

The Hon. Robert C. Hdtchings spoke as follows : 

It is impossible for me to respond fully to the toast which has 
just been proposed, for it opens a field so vast that it could not 
be replied to even in a series of orations, much less upon an occa- 
sion like this. He who would speak justly of the democratic 
party must repeat the pages of the history of the Republic. Its 
history is that of the country from the year 1787 to March, 
1861, when the chief of a new political dispensation — the re- 
presentative spirit of a sectional and revolutionary party — 
revolutionary, because sectional ascended to the seat filled by 
Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Jackson and others of the long and 
illustrious line of democratic presidents, and those few others 
of a different ritual, but acknowledging the same ^-reat nation- 
al faith, it is tlie history of the country in the days of its 
union, peace and prosperity, not of these latter days of dis- 
union, civil strife, and disaster. It is the history of the only 
pure Republic which had ever existed, visioned and contended 
for so long, and of the only people who had ever fathomed the 
mysteries of self-government — not the liistury of the last two 
years, of the prouunciameutoes of military censors, the edicts 
of praetors and the imperial rescripts, modeled after those of 



45 

ancient Emperors, and like those supreme above the Constitu- 
tion, the laws and the people. This was never the record of 
the democratic party through its representative chiefs. It gov- 
erned with only the delegated and defined powers of the Consti- 
tution, based upon the limitations of authority — the secret and 
essence of all free political institutions. It governed in war 
as in peace, in prosperity, greatness, and in recognition of the 
guarantees of personal freedom and local rights. It avoided 
the dangers of centralization — the seed of destruction to so 
many governments. It recognized the States in the language 
of Jeiferson, the inspired apostle of the democratic faith, to be 
" coordinate parts of one simple and integral whole " — in the 
belief and practice of which there was a long reign of union, 
peace, and prosperity, until the faith of the new dispensation 
was substituted. This was its policy as it was its record. And 
when in the history of mankind was there such a free and 
happy people ? Where was there ever a nation that made 
such a national advance in such a short duration of time ? 
Spreading over a greater territory — reaching to a grander 
position, because it was not the destroyer of States, but the 
creator of commonwealths — commanding with a prouder sway 
than an imperial one, because it ruled by the moral influence of 
its free institutions, and not by its sword, in little more than 
three-quarters of a century what took the only rival it has had 
in ancient or modern days a thousand years of contest. 

That greatness, power and glory of the nation is of the past 
with the greatness, power and glory of the democratic party. 
When the latter descended the steps of the capitol on the his- 
toric and ever mournful day the chosen apostle of the new faith 
ascended, attended with no auguries of another cycle of union, 
peace and prosperity, but surrounded with armed power — sym- 
bol of his aggressive creed — the nation deccnded from its high 
estate of greatness, and its once resplendent banner waved 
from the capitol of a disintegrated Republic. 



46 

Who would exchange the great realizations of the past, the 
fruits of the democratic creed, for all the promises of the 
new faith — that faith which seemed to be prophccied by the 
great philosopher of Germany in his dissection of a fanatical 
and heathen faith: "This false Paraclete of misconceived 
promise and idle phantasy, brought and aunounxjed to the world, 
a prophet without miracles, a faith without mysteries, and a 
morality without love, which has encouraged the thirst of blood, 
and which began and terminated in the most unbounded sensu- 
ality."' Who, in review of' that illustrious past in comparison 
with the miserable present, except the fanatic, would not ex- 
claim : " Better a cycle of democratic supremacy than a thou- 
sand years of the abolition visioned paradise, if we have to 
pass through such seas of blood, and suffer under such tyranies 
and humiliations, to reach the gates of the anticipated Union 
which open into the promised land of universal equality and 
freedom ?" 

But tlie democratic party must not be content at this time 
with the mere retrospections of the grand past. It must deal 
with the sad realities of the present, and the dangers of the 
future to the shattered commonwealth. It must not in its 
opposition and detestation — so justifiable and patriotic — to the 
foolish and fanatical men who are now at the helm of the 
central Government, sacrifice the great American polity — 
laden with the freight of a nation. This polity is our heritage. 
It is the heritage of our posterity for all time. It is the peer- 
less heritage of liberty to mankind. It is — even in these days 
of its humiliation — to the despots and parasites of absolutism who 
watch for its overthrow, as well as to the poor oppressed toil- 
ers of the world, and who pray for the success of the Republic 
— so high above all others in the magnitude of the blessings or 
miseries which depend u])on it, and which " hang trembling in 
the balance," like the ancient Republic — the " Tower of the 
whole earth." Let our statesmen, then, " unlike Edmund Burke, 



47 

never give up to party what was meant for mankind." This 
polity — the ultimate conception and perfect realization, the 
masterpiece of civil structure, to which the political dreamers, 
thinkers and philosophers of all ages contributed parts, which 
were joined together by the statesmen of our party, of a pre- 
ceding era, was meant for mankind. But in our respect for the 
federal authority whenever constitutionally exercised, let us be 
jealous of the dignity and honor of our own State. It is our 
State which is the defender of our persons and homes. Central 
authority is ever ambitious and encroaching. The sovereignty 
of our State is the bulwark of our liberties. The reservations 
of local self-independence when parted with are parted with 
forever. And in the proud position which this great State 
occupies is not only the present triumph of the democratic 
party, but the promise of its future national restoration. For 
the position which she assumes is not one of entreaty, nor of 
invitation, but it is in the form of an imperial mandate. Let 
our party continue to educate the people in the principles of 
civil liberty — lessons which history with its sad warnings shows 
us are more important in the eras of war than in peace, and 
also teach our armies, as they are not taught from the scats of 
federal power, the true and original policy of the war, so that 
they may bear in place of the results of a barbaric warfare, 
the promises confirmed by their acts that wherever their eagles 
are planted in triumph the blessings of the old Union shall 
follow. 

Upon the success of the democratic party depends the resto- 
ration of the Union — not merely in its forms, but in its essence. 
History is the argument of this — the history of three-quar- 
ters of a century. The record of the government, controlled 
by men of a different faith for the last two years, is also 
the argument. This polity of ours is only perfect and enduring 
when administered by wise and conservative as well as strong 
men. When thus administered, it is stronger and more endur- 



48 

iug than monarchies or despotisms. When the men who are at 
its hehii, shape its policy and guide its destines away from the 
constitutional moorings, and are sectionalists or fanatics, it is 
"voyaging" like France, as described by Lamartine, "to un- 
known seas," two of which are however known, anarchy and 
military despotism. 

Let us, then, on this day — the anniversary of the day which 
gave conception to the Republic, and on which the creed of 
democracy was proclaimed to the world — renew our covenant 
to the Union. Though imbecility and fanaticism may seem to 
control, though our best generals nuiy be forced to rest with 
their swords in their scabbards because they believe in our 
faith, let us not falter in devotion to our heritage. If it is to be 
lost, let not the responsibility rest on us. If the Republic is to 
pass away, the historian as he gathers up the records of our 
})atriotism and the heroism of our soldiers, will place no censure 
upon us, but will write this epitaph : " That it died because its 
rulers hated the democratic party more than they loved the 
Union !" 

It has been beautifully said, that there is a fragrance about 
the month of July delightful and refreshing to every friend of 
freedom — not only to us as our day of discnthralment, and the 
destruction of the Bastille to France, but a month memorable 
for many great overthrows of tyranies and sacrilices to free- 
dom. There is an inspiration in covenanting on this day to the 
cause of a re-united Rci)ublic. 

The (Jrand Sacuk.m then announced the eighth regular toast: 
The Army op the United States : — Raised and organized 
from volunteer civilians after a long era of peace, it 
has in spite of imbecility and criminal mismanagement 
on the part of the Government, excelled in courage, 
endurance and gallant achievements the veteran armies 
of Europe. 
General Ward K. Burnett briefly responded as follows : 

Grand Sachem, Brothers and Fellow Countrymen: — I 



49 

thank you for the cordial manner in which you welcome my 
humble name. In responding- to the toast just oflfered by our 
worthy brother, I cannot endorse all of the sentiments con- 
tained in it. Having served in the regular and volunteer 
forces of the United States for several years, it is but right 
and proper to say a few words in their behalf, on an occasion 
of this kind, to cheer our army onward and to keep alive the 
memories and deeds achieved by the army of the United States 
on many a hard fought field, in order that those who 
may hereafter, as well as those now serving, may emulate 
the achievements of the victorious past. And whatever may 
be the individual opinions of those — " who do not go 
down to the fight," it does not become me, as a soldier, to cast 
any reflection, or be in any way associated with an idea or pur- 
pose calculated to cast any reflection on the conduct or action 
of those to whom are entrusted the direction or management of 
our armies. The conduct of the war, the course of the adminis- 
tration or questions pertaining to it, I leave to the citizen to 
discuss — the question of how far he can go in that direction to be 
left to the judgment of the individual with all its responsibili- 
lities. With many of the present and past leaders of our 
gallant army it has been my good fortune to be associated in 
many a camp and many a field, and without being invidious I 
can give my humble testimony, that for military genius, per- 
sonal bravery and courage, they may proudly challenge com- 
parison with any army ever organized in ancient or modern 
times ; their history and deeds are written on every page of our 
country's history. And I trust and hope that on this our 
national holiday, which we are here to celebrate, may be inau- 
gurated by our gallant armies, a series of victories, the effect 
of which will be the return of our rebellious brethren to their 
allegiance, so that on our next anniversary we may all exclaim 
with our national poet — " we now have 



50 

" A union of hearts, a union of hands, 
A union of States none can sever ; 
A union of lakes, a union of Lands, 
And tlie Fhig of our L'nion forever !" 

To the ninth regular toast — 

The Navy of the United States : — It has added additional 
lustre to the reputation which it had before achieved 
against an insolent foreign foe. 

Captain Isaiah Rynders responded. 

The Grand Sachem announced the tenth regular toast : 

Religious Liberty : — The parent of the common creed of 
patriotism, at whose altars all may worship, and at 
whose image it is no idolatry to kneel. 

And called upon Cyril H. Brackett to respond, who was 
received with loud applause, and spoke as follows : 

Grand Sachem and Friends : — As an humble democrat I 
feel it no ordinary compliment to be invited to address you 
within the time-honored walls of Tammany, where so often in 
the past have been heard the shouts of triumph for victories 
which have assured religious and civil liberty. We belong to 
that proud old party which ostracises no man for his birth or 
religious opinion. 

Stand firmly in the ranks of the democratic party which is 
the hope of men struggling for rights throughout the world. 
Another presidential canvass will give tlie nation an Executive 
as wise, efficient and honest as our own glorious State presents 
in the person of a Governor, whoso pride it is to ever re- 
member and act in reference to the motto of the State — " Ex- 
celsior." His most enduring wreaths have been won by a 
fearless performance of constitutional obligations, and his 
name is a household word of affection in the homes of the hills 
and valleys of a neighboring commonwealth. 

Fanaticism and intolerance stand rebuked by Statesmen who 
will not allow rights to be assailed, or freemen persecuted for 
exercising their rights. 



51 

The writings and the memory of the illustrious Statesman, 
Thomas Jefferson, are revered by all. He said : " Error of 
opinion is to be tolerated where reason is left free to combat 
it;" and though in his time he was. assailed and reviled, yet 
this age has done justice to his opinions, — they are adopted by 
the intelligent freemen of this land. 

The church and the school-house, the courts^ of justice, and 
the meetings of American freemen, will remain sacred institu- 
tions ; and while a free press and free speech will pass unscathed 
through the storms of civil war, — the puny efforts of those who 
would destroy them will be remembered only with contempt. 

One year from to-day we shall here assemble, — mourning 
'tis true, 

" The brave, who sink to rest 

With all their country's honors blest," ^ 

yet still prepared to battle for the Constitution and the Union, 
and upon the eve of a victory, whose fruits will be enduring. 

To you, Grand Sachem, who for a quarter of a century have 
stood firmly by this organization, too much credit cannot be 
awarded, and for one I give you hearty thanks. Your years 
have been well passed, and the patriotism you have evinced in 
the past will be remembered in the future. With the abiding 
confidence that the kindness which summoned me to speak will 
generously pardon any errors, I bid you all good day. 

The Grand Sachem them gave the eleventh regular toast — 

The Press: — The enemy of despotism and the pioneer and 
defender of freedom, it will live to vindicate its power 
and impart instruction, when military censors and order 
of suppression exist but iii historical infamy. 

To which the Hon. Conrad Swackhamer responded. 
The twelfth regular toast was then announced — 

Woman : — As mother, sister, wife or daughter — the most 
charming solace of our hearts. 

Col. George W. McLean responded to this toast as follows — 



52 

Brothers: — 1 consent, but not without some hesitation and 
doubt as to my ability, to comply with the order of our much 
beloved and venerable Grand Sachem, to respond to the senti- 
ment which has just been drunk : 

" Woman, as mother, sister, wife, or daughter, the most 
charming solace of our hearts !" 

How brief the sentiment, and yet how nnich it expresses. 
With the dear name of mother crowds all the pleasing and fond 
recollections of early childhood upon our memories, and touch- 
ing the sympathetic chords of our hearts, carries us back to the 
days when the sound of that now missing voice filled our young 
hearts with joy, she who watched by us and prayed for us as 
we slept, and with blessings and good wishes asked the protec- 
tion of the Father of us all for her child from the temptations 
and dangers which surround us, and amid tears of anxiety, 
smiling thanked God that he had blessed her with an oflspring. 
Does not filial gratitude and affection prompt us ever to 
remember how all our joys and happiness, our sorrows and 
anguish, were shared by her ? Is it not a pleasant duty to 
forget for a moment the busy present, to return to the past, and 
dwell for a time on that charming solace of our hearts, the 
fond recollections that cling round the memory of mother ? 

" 'Tis thus, thougli woo'd by flattering friends 
And fed witli fame (if fame it be) 
This heart, my own dear mother bends 
With love's true instinct back to thee." 

Woman, as sister, wife, or daughter, or sweetheart, may I 
add, what a charming solace to the more matured heart of man, 
who, having mourned the loss of mother, still finds delight and 
comfort in the society of the sex. Without her life would 
have little charm, no hope, no joy, and man's sorrows no soft, 
balmy comforter to dispel the dark shadows of disappoiutinent 
which fall to the lot of all, only to be removed by the warm 



53 

human sympathies of woman's heart. . xVs the first genial rays 
of the sun dispels the gray mist of the morning, so sorrow and 
sighing fly away and give place to happiness and peaceful 
homes, by the soothing presence of woman and the influence of 
woman and the influence of the love and passions which throb 
only in woman's heart, then let the toast be dear woman, and 
let every well filled bumper be drained to the dregs in 
honoring her. 

" Then i"<iise, raise the goblet in transport, 
The spell of life's best joys impart, 
The cup thus devoted to woman 
Proves the only true balm to the heart. 

Then the toast, then the toast, be dear woman. 

Let each heart that is manly approve. 
Then the toast, then tlie toast, be dear woman, 

And nine cheers for the girls that we love." 

The Grand Sachem then gave the thirteenth and last regular 
toast — 

The Tammany Society : — In its very foimdation identified with 
the establishment of the Union, evei- faithful to its obli- 
gations, she has added another proof of her devotion by 
sending forth her sons to protect and maintain it. 

Which was responded to by the Hon. Samuel B. Garvin. 

At the conclusion of the last speech Grand Sachem Purdy 
adjourned the meeting until next year, " at the same time and 
place," and the audience separated, having given three hearty 
cheers for the Governor, three for the Grand Sachem, three 
for the Orator of the Day, three more for General McClellan, 
and, finally, three times three for the Tammany Society and 
their celebration. 



54 



LETTERS. 



FROM HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR SEYMOUR. 

State of Nkw York, Executive Department, 



3.} 



Albany, June 30, 1863 

Gexti.ejien : — I liave received your invitation to attend the celebration of 
the Eighty-seventh Anniversary of our National Independence at Tammany 
Hall. Before the receipt of your letter, I had accepted an invitation to speak 
with other persons at the Academy of Music on the same occasion. If it is 
possible, I will be at Tammany Hall at some time during your celebration. I 
shall be most ha])py to unite with your ceremonies, as far as I can do so, con- 
sistently with my prior engagement. 

Truly yours, iScc , 

To Messrs. Elliah F. Purdy, HORATIO SEYMOUR. 

Jas. B. Nicholson, 
W. M. Tweed, 

Comiii'tttce. 



LIEUT.-GOVERNOR D. R. FLOYD JONES. 

To Hon. E. V. Pi'RDY, (Iraitd Sdchem. 

Albany, June 23, 1863. 

My dear Sir : — I lind on my arrival at Albany, to-da}-, an invitation to 
unite with the " Society of Tammany," in celebrating the approaching anni- 
versary of our National Independence. 

Engagements for tlie Fourth will prevent my being in the city of New 
York on that day. 

At no time siuc^e the commencement of our existence, as a nation, does the 
value of the Union of these States seem so palpable and inestimable, or the 
duty of using all constitutional means to effect its restoration, so imperative 
as at the present, when wicked elTorts are being made to render the formear 
impossible and to weaken the obligations ot the latter. 

Yours, very truly, 

D. R. FLOYD JONES. 



MA.rOR-GrENERAL JOHN A. DIX. 

Head-Quarters Department of Vnj(;iNiA, 
Seventh Army Corps. 



} 



Hon Elijah F. Purdy, White House, Va., \st Juhj, 1863. 

Grand Sachem Tamiitnni/ Society. 

Dear Sir: — I have received your invitation to unite with the Tammany 
Society in celebrating the coming anniversary of our National Independence, 
and to renew our vows to preserve the freedom of our country, " its Union 



55 

and integrity, and transmit the sacred inheritance unimpaired to succeeding 
generations." In all these purposes I sympathize with you most cordially, 
and it only remains for me to tender to you, and your brother Sachems and 
officers of the Society, my grateful thanks for the remembrance of me, and my 
regret that the unhappy condition of the country, which has separated me 
from my family and friends, renders it impossible for me to accept your kind 
invitation. 

I am, dear Sir, truly yours, JOHN A. DIX. 



HON. AMASA J. PARKER. 

Albany, Jul^ 2, 1863. 
Elijah F. Pdrdy, and others. 

Gentlemen :— Accept my thanks for your kind invitation to join with you 
in celebrating the next anniversary of our National Independence But, 
being engaged to address a meeting at Concord, N. H., on that day, I am 
obliged to decline. 

In discharging the patriotic duties of the day, the people will, everywhere, 
look with intense anxiety to see how our unhappy and distracted country can 
be relieved from the imminent peril in which it is placed. 

In my opinion there is but one hope for the country, and that depends on 
bringing into power at Washington an entire change of men and of policy. 
This cannot constitiitionally be done till the next presidential election. But 
if done, even then it may still be in time to gather together the broken frag- 
ments of our Constitution, and rei-stablish the government of the Union. 

Conservative men of all parties should unite in endeavoring to accomplish 
this most desirable result, and I am sure your ancient order will lead the way 
in this great enterprise. 

I am, very respectfully, 

Yours, &c., 

AMASA J. PARKER. 



HON. LIVINGSTON SPRAKER, NEW YORK. 

Palatine Bridge, July 1, 18G3. 
Elijah F. Purdy, Grand Sachem. 

Dear Sir : — Your favor of the 18th ultimo, inviting me to attend the cele- 
bration of the approaching anniversary of our National Independence, to be 
held at Tammany Hall on the 4th instant, is just at hand. It would afford 
me great pleasure to be present and participate with you in celebrating the 
birth day. of our nation, but find myself unable to be absent from home on ac- 
count of previous engagements. 

The day is one that should be commemorated by the great American people, 
because it serves to remind us of the little band of patriots who dared to put 
forth that declaration of rights, in the face of the crowned heads of Europe, 
and particularly of Great Britain, which was ratified by the people of this 
country, and secured after seven years of suifering and privations by our ances- 
tors, and by them bequeathed to vis to be transmitted to future jjosterity una- 
bated. Though our country is passing through a firey ordeal, yet if we will 
.but iDut forth the same energy to crush this rebellion and preserve our Union 
that our revolutionary sires did to maintain the Declaration of our Independ- 
ence, we will soon bring this unhappy war to a close with the Union restoi'ed 
as it was and tlie Constitution preserved as it is. 

Yours truly, 

LIVINGSTON SPRAKER. 



56 

SENATOR SAULSBURY, OF DELAWARE. 

Geokgetuwn, Dkl., July 2d, 1863. 
Elijah F. Purdy, Esq., 

Deau Sir : — I regret mv inability to be present at the celebration of the 
approaching anniversary of our National Independence at Tammany Hall, on 
Saturday next. Independence of a foreign power will avail us but little if we 
tamely submit to a continuance of executive usurpations, which have well 
nigh already destroyed the liberties of the i)eo])Ie. Even amid the gloom and 
darkness oi' the present hour, 1 would say to my covintrymen, if you would 
preserve your liberties, see to it that the military shall not be independent of, 
or superior to, but subject to the civil power. 

Very respectfully, 

WILLARD SAULSBURY. 



HON. JOHN T. HOFFMAN, RECORDER. 

City of New York, Recorder's Office 1 
No. G3 Wall Street. ' ) 

Hon. Elijah F. Purdy, New York, July 1, 1863. 

My dear Sir : — I am very sorry to say that I cannot participate in the 4th 
of July celebration of the Tammany Society. 

I am compelled, by the state of my health, to leave the city for a short time. 
If I did not feel it absolutely necessary lo go I should remain to unite with 
you and the other members of the Society in celebrating the day, which old 
Tammany has never failed to ho:ior. 

I have before me this moment, certain resolutions of the Tammany General 
Committee, adoptea April 20, 1861, to which your name as chairman is 
affixed, and which will in all future time receive the approbation and chal- 
lenge the admiration of every American patriot. 

One of these resolutions I beg leave to oli'er as a sentiment which I hope you 
will have read. It is as follows : 

"Resolved. That the Democracy of this city are heartily united, with all its 
citizens, as one man, to uphold the Constitution, enforce the laws, sustain the 
Union, defied the Hag, and ])rotect the Capitol of these United States ; in the 
full and lirm belief, that this preservation of our national unity, is the only 
security for the rights, liberties and power of our own people, and the greatest 
hope of oppressed humanity throughout tlie world." 

With great respect, 

Yours very truly, 

JOHN T. HOFFMAN. 



HON. JAMES T. BRADY. 

New York, June 30/A, 1863. 
Elijah F. Purdy, Esq., Grand Sachem. 

Dear Sir : — I am sorry that my engagements for the coming 4th of July are 
such, that 1 cannot have the pleasure of participating with my brother demo- 
crats of the Tammany Society in the celebration of our national anniversary. 
For the invitation to be present on the occasion I render my hearty thanks. 



57 

The letter of invitation is full of ^suggestion at the present juncture. Its 
devices and watch words are, just now, of peculiar significance. The rock on 
which the temple of liberty rests is, indeed, the Constitution, and we rejoice to 
see the surges vainly beating against its impregnable base. It is only on such 
a foundation that the fabric of free government can be permanently main- 
tained. With such a support it may defy the violent a.ssault of physical 
power, or the insidious schemes of perfidious underminers — thus protected, it 
can and will resist folly, fanaticism, or treacliery, retaining its strength and 
beauty despite of the weakness or wickedness of an}', and all the while held 
high above the bad aspirations or machinations of party. 

I am glad to find the duty of preserving the Union, and ensuring civil and 
religious liberty inculcated in the two mottoes with which the devices of the 
letter are embellished. All experience has shown tliat neither can exist 
without tlie other. Destroy our Union, and we will inevitably have rival, 
hostile, and aristocratic governments on our soil, depending for existence upon 
the sword and not upon the aftections of the people. To j^revent such a doom 
is the highest duty we have to perform, and from that duty no man will 
swerve who deserves to be called a democrat. 

Allow me in connection with these views to offer a sentiment : 

The Memory of Andrew J.^ckson — who loving peace much, loved his country 
more ; and who never hesitated to unsheath the sword against either the 
foreign or domestic foes of the Union or the Constitution. 

Yours truly, 
JAS. T. BRADY. 



EX-GOVERNOR SEYMOUR, OF CONNECTICUT. 

Hartford, Conn,, Julij 2d, 18G3. 

Messrs. D. E. Delavan, Douglas Taylor, M. T. Brennan, 

and others, Committee Society of Tammani/. 

GtENTLEiiEN : — I liave the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your invita- 
tlpn of the 18th ult., soliciting my attendance at the " Society of Tammany," 
oil the occasion of the coming celebration of the " Anniversary of our National 
Independence." Having previously accepted the invitation of another patri- 
otic society in your city, I am of cour-e unable to comply with your obliging 
request. These celebrations will, I trust, have a good effect on the public 
mind, and serve to revive in all a deeper devotion to the best interests of our 
whole country. Your excellent motto, " civil and religious liberty, the glory 
of man" — furnishes a grand text for the present crisis. Permit me to give for 
a sentiment the brave words of revolutionary birth : 

^'■Eternal hostility to ever y form of tyranny over the mind o/' 7>ian." 

Very respectfully, Gentlemen, 

Your obedient servant, 

THOS. H. SEYMOUR. 



HON. ISAAC TOUCEY, OF CONNECTICUT. 

Hartford, July 2d, 1863. 

Gentlemen : — 1 have received the invitation, which you did me the honor 
to send me, to participate with you in celebrating the Anniversary of our Na- 
tional Independence, on the approaching Fourth of July. I concur with you 
that " the present vital exigency in our national affairs attaches to the com- 



58 

ing celebration a peculiar and absorbing interest, and should induce every 
lover of his country to renew upon that day his vows to preserve its freedom, 
maintain its Union and integrity, and transmit the sacred inheritance unim- 
paired to succeeding generations." It is in tliis view that unusual import- 
ance is given to the celebration of the day which ushered in the declaration 
that these States are, and of right, ought to be fn'fi sovfreiiin and ihdepind- 
er.t. This is the great question now presented to the country, whether the 
f'reedom, sovereigvity and indeppnJettce of the States, in regard to all that vast 
mass of ungranted poAvers by whicli are regulated by State laws the rights of 
personal liberty, of personal security, of x>rivate property, and the domestic 
relations, are to be maintained, subject to no limitations whatever, except those 
voluntarily assumed by the States and embodied in the Federal Constitution i" 
Shall the Federal Constitution be restored to its supremacy throughovit the 
whole country, nortli, east, west and south, under the same limitations, by the 
exercise of the granted powers whicli it contains for its own preservation ? 
Both these are the one and the self same question. This is the only issue be- 
fore the country. It will receive its solution within the next seventeen 
months. Those in the affirmative are on one side ; those not in the affirma- 
tive until the slave laws of the slave States shall be repealed by Federal bayo- 
nets, are on the other. These two opinions are irreconcilably opjwsed to each 
other — the conflict between them is inex]iressible ; and not until the latter is 
supplanted by the former, not until political power is transferred by popular 
sufl'rage to conservative men, who unconditionally desire the restoration of 
the Constitution, is there the least hope that it will be restored to its 
supremacy or the Declaration of Independence be of much value to the pres- 
ent generation. Regretting that I shall not be able to participate in your 
celebration, 

I am, very respectfully. 

Your obedient servant, 

Hon. Eluah F. Purdy, ISAAC TOUCEY. 

and others. 



HON. S. S. COX, OF OHIO. 

Chicago, Illinois, June 26, 1863. 

Deak Sir : — Your invitation was received by me at this city to-day. I am 
away from homr ; and shall be detained here until after the Fourth, so that I 
cannot be with you, as I would like. 

I have been attending meetings so large and enthusiastic that they may as 
well be called meetings of tfik people. TJiough called in the democratic 
name, they are inspired by a love for the welfare and honor of the whole 
people. The " vital exigency," which you refer to in your letter of invita- 
tion, seems to have aroused the great west ; and like the fabled giant of 
Sicily, its movement makes the earth quake and the heavens resound with 
the power of its step and the grandeur, of its voice. 

Let the east and the west be clasped, not only in maternal but in patriotic 
bonds of fraternity ; and time and effort may give to us again, under God, 
that bles.sed unity and honored government, so seriously periled by the 
thoughtless and violent anarchs of this generation. 

I thank you for your invitation. 

K. F. Purdy. 

Sincerely, &c., 

S. S. COX. 



59 

SENATOR PRUYN, OF NEW YORK. 

Albany, July 2d, 1863. 

Dear Sir: — I have received the invitation of the "Tammany Society," to 
join in their celebration of the coming anniversary of our National Independ- 
ence, and regret that I am not able to accept it. 

I am glad to know that the members of your Society, notwithstanding the 
distracted condition of our country, do not abate in the patriotic spirit which 
has always been shown by them, on this occasion. 

Their proceedings at this time will, I am sure, tend to the preservation of 
the Union, to increased respect for the laws, and to the maintenance of the 
Constitution. 

I am, yours with great respect, 

Elmah F. Pukdy, Esq., JOHN V . L. PRUYN. 

Grand Sachem, New York. 



SENATOR GANSON, OF NEW YORK. 

Elijah F. Purdy, Buffalo, June 26, 1863. 

Grand Sachem, Sj-c. 

Dear Sir : — In compliance with the request in the invitation of " The So- 
ciety of Tammany," received by me, to participate in celebrating the approach- 
ing anniversary of our National Independence, I send you an early reply. 
Other engagements will prevent my attendance at Tammany Hall on that 
occasion. 

Under ordinary circumstances I would be content with saying nothing 
more, but " the present vital exigency of our national affairs," as your invi- 
tation declares, " attaches to the coming celebration, a peculiar and absorbing 
interest, and should induce every lover of his country to renew, upon that 
day, his vows to preserve its freedom, maintain its unity and integrity." 

Having from the beginning of the pending rebellion, regarded the preser- 
vation of our nationality as paramount to all other considerations, I have 
unifor^^nly advised and advocated the meeting of armed rebels with arms, and 
opposed any policy which tended, in any degree, to a dismemberment of the 
Union, and discountenanced any roar wliich had not for its sole object, the 
restoration of the government under the Constitution as it was framed by the 
wise men of the revolution 

It is our duty to make every effort within our power to suppress the exist- 
ing insurrection, and not to submit to any peace which has not the accom- 
plishment of that object in view. It is our duty to compel, by arms, those 
who have taken up arms to sever the Union, to submit to the enforcement of 
the laws. While we are engaged in this effort it behooves us to be watchful, 
that those i,n authority do not weaken the government by the exercise of arbi- 
trary or doubtful powers. 

If, in attemi^tiug to suppress the rebellion, we silently acquiesce in a disre* 
gard -by those in authority, of the Constitution or the laws, especially where 
the administration of justice is unimpaired and unimpeded in our Courts, by 
arms, we fall far short of our duty. We should not exact obedience from 
others to a Constitution which we are unwilling to obey ourselves. We 
should be jealous of our own rights, and be willing to secure the rights of 
others to them. We should, standing and acting upon this principle, declare 
there should not be peace till the Union is restored, our nationality preserved, 
the Constitution maintained, and the laws enforced on every foot of our soil, 
or that we will perish in the attempt. . We should make the rebels feel that 
tlieir rights would be protected, if they will lay down their arms, in accord- 



60 

ance with the guarantees of the Constitution. Let our motto he : " While the 
rehels are in arms, we will meet them with arms ; when they submit ,to 
laws, thej shall be protected by laws " 

Your obedient servant, 

JOHN GANSON. 



HON. DAVID L,. SEYMOUR, OF NEW YORK. 
Hon. Elijah F Ppedy, Tkoy, July 1, 1863. 

Sir: — I am in receipt of the invitation of the Tammany Society to join them 
in the celebration of the next anniversary of our National Independence, and 
regret to say that previous engagements will prevent my attendance on that 
occasion. 

Tlie circumstances surrounding our country at the present time are fraught 
with such imminent danger to our government, that an unusual interest 
attaches to this anniversary. 

The natal day of the Republic recalls to our recollection the glories of that 
revolution in which our patriotic ancestors achieved our independence and 
established the great Republic of the west, founding its institutions upon the 
principles of eternal truth, and making it the asylum of the oppressed of all 
nations. 

For eightj'-six years this government stood, strengthening itself and ex- 
tending its limits until it had spanned the continent, and its power had be- 
come known and was respected throughout the civilized world. Such 
was the position of honor and pride whicli our nation occupied but yes- 
terday. 

And as in the ancient Roman Republic, so here, every American however 
humble he miglit be, felt a glow of exultation and national pride, as pointing 
to his country, he exclaimed: " I am an Ajierica.n citizen." 

To-day all is changed. Our glorious Union, the source of our strength 
and prosperity is s<;vered. Our prestige of power as a nation is gone. A 
bloody civil war is raging in the bosom of our once peaceful and prosperous 
land. An hundred battle fields are strewed with the mangled corpses of 
those who have fallen in this unnatural contest Our armies massed around 
the Capitol, are required to protect the Chief Executive and the officers of our 
government, while ])owerful armies of the insurgents are ravaging the coun- 
try from the Ra})pahaniiock to the Susnuehannah. 

The patriotic citizens of the North when they inquire for the causes of these 
great disasters which have so sadly reversetl the glorious picture of our former 
greatness and glory, will readily find it in the principles and policy of two 
extreme parties in our country — the secessionists of the South and the aboli- 
tionists of the North They both have combined to war upon that Constitu- 
tion and its comjiromises, which has made us North and South one people. 
Tliey both to-day mutually exult in its prostration, and hope for its utter and 
final overthrow. 

Tliere is but one party which can save our country in this most trying exi- 
gency of public affairs. That party is the party of the Union and the Consti- 
tution; a party embracing all the democratic and conservative masses o£ the 
country ; a party not organized merely to attain power, and to distribute the 
spoils of office, but inspired, moved and directed l)y the one all-absorbing idea 
that the salvation of the country depends upon maintaining " the Constitution 
as it is and the Union as it was." 

Your time-honored association will, I doubt not, lead, as it has always done 
in this noble work, to reestablishing order. Constitutional right, and the 
sway of the laws. Free speech, a free press, and personal liberty, now ruth- 
lessly assailed and trodden down, must be reasserted and ret'stablished at all 
hazards. 



61 

The liberties of a people Ccaii only^^xist wliile these defences are maintained, 
nor can peace and Constitutional Union ever be restored to our country, until 
the Constitution and the rights of all the States of the Union, and of all citi- 
zens North and Soiith under it, be respected and protected. 

Very respectfully, yours, &c., 

DAVID L. SEYMOUR. 



HON. JOHN R. BRADY, JUDGE COURT OF COMMON PLEAS. 

Eli.taii F. Pukdy, Esq., New York, July 2d, 1863. 

Gra7id Sachem. 

Dear Sir : — I am much pleased to have the opportunity to renew, through 
the Tammany Society, my vows to preserve the freedom of our country, to 
maintain its Union and integrity, and to transmit the sacred inheritance un- 
impaired to succeeding generations The democratic party has stood firm in 
its support of the Union, its institutions and its laws, and it will never prove 
recreant while one voice is left to proclaim its devotion. Dauntless and un- 
swerving it will rise and rule, though vanquished for a time, and under its 
sway the Republic shall liourish, and make still stronger and broader the base 
upon which its columns must rest forever. The sovereign gift has a sove- 
reign remedy when abused, and to the ballot we must turn when the power 
we have conferred is violated, leaving our rights meanwhile to the tribunals 
of the land. In peace and in war the motto of our party has been : " The 
Union, it must and shall he preserved.'''' 

For this our brethren have fought and died, and for this, to-day, they are 
front to front with the fratricides who would sever our home and rob us and 
the world of that great united inheritance, which anjong other blessings 
secures to us civil and religious liberty. Much as we have done in council 
and in the field, much is yet to be done by us to restore the Union under the 
Constitution, and to make it as it has been in brighter hours, a beacon guide 
and asylum to the oppressed of all climes. 

I regret that I cannot be with you to express more in detail the love I hear 
my country, and the hope that our party shall ever be foremost to protect its 
interest, integrity and honor. 

Very truly yours, 

JNO. R. BRADY. 



HON. WM. W. EATON, OF CONNECTICUT. 

House op Representatives, ) 

May Session, a. d. 1863. ) 
Hartford, Conn., June 26M, 1863. 

My DEAR Sir : — I desire to express my sincere thanks for the honor confer- 
red upon me by the Tammany Society, in requesting me to participate in the 
celebration of the anniversary of American Independence. 

I regret to say that my official engagements will prevent my being present 
on the occasion. 

The present condition of the country demands the wise exertion of every 
friend of order and of Constitutional law, and, while we should use our ut- 
most efforts to restore our old Union with all its checks and balances, the 
democracy should sternly demand that all public servants should faithfully 
adhere to the powers conferred upon them by the organic law, and any depart- 
ure therefrom should be denounced by the people. 



62 

That time-honored old Tammany will perform her full part in this crisis of 
our history I do not permit myself to doubt. 

I have the honor to be, 

Very truly, your obedient servant, 

Hon. E. F. ruRHY. WM. W. EATON. 



HON. JOHN VAN BtJREN 
Eli.) AH F. Purdy, 

Grand Sache.m. Kixderhook, June 29th, 1863. 

I greatly regret that it will not be in my power to accept the invitation of 
the Tammany Society, of which I have long been a memljer, and which con- 
tains so many valued friends, to unite with them in celebrating the approach. 
ing anniversary ot our Independence 

Y'ou do right in assuming that the present exigency attaches a peculiar 
and absorbing interest to the day, and to no celebration of it will that interest 
be more (-aretuUy extended than to yours. Members of an ancient and hon- 
orable fraternity, established in 1789, not as a political association, but bear- 
ing on its roll the names of some of the truest patriots that ever lived, our 
action in this crisis should be worthy of the reputation the society has now, 
and the responsibility that belongs to us. 

The country is involved in a war, for the commencement of which, as well 
as the mode of its prosecution, we are in no degree responsible. Relx-ls against 
the lawful authority of the general government have a.ssumed to dissolve; the 
Union, hi such a crisis you litly recur to the patriot's pledge: '■' The Union 
must and shall be jjreserved." The whole effective force of the loj-al States 
should be bent to this object ; a cordial union of sentiment should sustain our 
armies in the field. Measures of questionable expediency should be avoided ; 
a generous forbearance should be used in criticising or opposing the action of 
the general government. Party considerations, and action should be hushed 
in the present peril of the R-public, and the absorbing patriotism which pre- 
sided over our revolutionary history, and marked the initiation of our society, 
should resume its sway. Rely ujion it, those who act upon this platform now, 
will not only serve to save the country, but will prove in the end the truest 
friends of their party organizations and political associates. That this spirit 
will breath through your celebration, I trust and believe. And again express 
my regret at being unable to participate in a festival which will thus reflect 
credit upon the society, and go far to sustain the honor of the country. 
Thanking you for the kindness of your invitation, 

I am, truly yours, 

J. VAN BUREN. 



JUDGE ALONZO C. PAIGE. 

Schenectady, Juli/ 1, 1863. 
Elijah F. Purdy, 

Grand Sachem of the Society of' Ttnnmany. 

Dear Sir : — I regret my inability to accept the invitation of the Society of 
Tammany to meet and participate with its members in the celeliration of the 
next anniversary of our Independence. Nothing can be conceived by any 
lover of his country more appropriate, than on that day "to renew iiis vows 
to preserve its freedom, maintain its union and integrit}', and transmit the 
sacred inheritance unimpaired to succeeding generations." 

This object, dear to the heart of every American citizen, can only be accom- 



63 

plished by the preservation of the Constitution. This Constitution created 
— its maintenance will restore the Union. Devotion to it, and reverence for 
it, must be cultivated. It was the violation of the obligations it imposes, and 
the open assaults upon it, and upon the rights it guarantees, that destroyed 
the fraternal relations between the North and the South, and arrayed tlie two 
sections against each other in deadly strife. The example and the warning 
voice of our revolutionary fathers were disregarded. The farewell admoni- 
tions of Washington ceased to influence us. Sectionalism was sutl'ered to 
spring up in the North and South to divide us. Fraternal love by the acri- 
mony of Northern and Southern disunionists was turned into fraternal liate. 
Political fanaticism at the North and devotion to Southern institutions at the 
South, and exasperation there at Northern attacks made upon them, suggest- 
ed at the North the dogmas of the higher law, and that the States must neces- 
sarily become all slave or all free ; and at the South the Revolutionary doc- 
trines of nullification and secession. The authors and advocates of tliese false 
and disorganising dogmas and doctrines will be held by the future liistorian 
responsible for the civil war which is now devastating our fair land with 
fraternal blood. The nomination of a sectional candidate for the presidency, 
standing upon a sectional platform, and elected by a set^tional vote, as might 
have been exjjected, and as the supporters of this candidate were during the 
canvass daily admonished, was seized upon by Southern disunionists to preci- 
pitate the Southern States into open rebellion The celebration of the ensuing 
anniversary will be an appropriate occasion for constitutional union men, the 
democratic and conservative citizens of the United States to survey calmly 
the present critical and disastrous condition of our country, and to determine 
upon means and a policy to accomplish a restoration of the Union upon the 
principles of the Constitution. There will be a demand upon them for the 
exercise of all their wisdom and patriotism, and of the greatest forbearance. 
They will, doubtless, see that there is a class of politicians at the North who 
are enemies of the present Constitution and of the old Union ; and that these 
reckless men seek to annihilate the insurrectionary States, to subvert the 
Constitution and to reconstruct the Government upon the principles of aboli- 
tion of Slavery by the aid of the militai'y power. The moral guilt of these 
men is not less in degree than that of the rebel in arms. The designs and 
machinations of these men must be watched with ceaseless vigilance and de- 
feated. The unconstitutional policy which has been adopted by the President 
and Congress in the conduct of the war, and which by uniting and exasperat- 
ing the South, changing loyalty into treason, has given increased power and 
energies to the rebellion, must be abandoned. The war must be a constitu- 
tional war, prosecuted solely to restore the Union with all the dignity, equal- 
ity and rights of the several States unimpaired. Only men who respect the 
Constitution and the principles of civilized warfare must be placed at the 
head of our armies, and selected as the advisers of the President. But the 
most efficacious remedy for our national calamities is the overtlirow of the 
party in power by the agency of the peaceful, but the resistless ballot. We 
have waited long and anxiously for an improvement in the management of 
our national affairs. But we liave waited in vain. Disaster has succeeded 
disaster -to our armies, until we have become satisfied, that unless the Presi- 
dent will dismiss his cabinet and clrange his i^olicy, it is only under a demo- 
cratic and conservative administration that the war can be prosecuted with 
sufficient vigor, wisdom and skill to overthrow the rebellion. That it is only 
under such an adminjstration that the Constitution and the principles of a 
civilized warfare will be respected ; that the wealth of the nation and the 
blood of our heroic soldiers will only be expended in the cause of the Union, 
and that the several States can be re-united upon the principles of the Consti- 
tution, with all their original rights unimpaired. 

Yours, respectfully, 

A. C. PAIGE. 



64 



BRIG.-GENERAL JOSIAH T. MILLER. 



State of New York, 

INSPECTOR General's Office 



J 



Albany, July 1, 1863. 

Gentlemen : — I am iu receipt of an Invitation to participate in the celebra- 
tion of the approaching anniversary of our National Independence, with the 
Society of Tammany, or Columbian Order. I desire very much to meet with 
you on this occasion, and regret that unexpected official duties prevent my 
acceptance of your invitation. Permit me, however, to return my thanks to 
the Sachems tor tln^ir courte.sy to me, and to express my appreciation of the 
patriotic services, iu the past, of the ancient, and very honorable order, which 
they represent. 

Tammany is inseparably connccteti with the best days of the Republic, and 
with the brightest pages in the history of the democratic party, and of the 
American Union. When dangers threaten, the eyes of true men turn to her 
Council Chamber, and they have never been disappointed. 

Tammany has never failed to declare for the right with a will, and with a 
power. She will not fail iu the dark hour of our country's humiliation and 
trial 

Had the people of the North heeded her warnings in the past, the present 
affliction would have been spared our land, and if her teachings shall be fol- 
lowed in the future, peace and prosperity will again return to, and bless our 
people. That such may be the speedy issue of our nation's trials, is the 
sincere wish of your humble servant, 

Elijau F. Pukdy, Esq., .JOSIAH T. MILLER. 

and others, New York. 



HON. FRED. A.. TALLMADGE, CLERK COURT OF APPEALS. 

State of New York, ) 

Court of Appeals, Clerk's Office. ) 
E. F. PuRDY, Esq., Albany, Jnly 1st, 1863. 

Dear Sir : — Be pleased to present my sincere thanks to the officers of " the 
Society of Tammany, or Columbian Order," for their kind and cordial invita- 
tion, to meet with them and participate in the festivities of the coming anni- 
versary of our National Independence. 

Descended from an ancestry, who zealously, but feebly, aided in its attain- 
ment, I should prove a reckless son were I to hesitate to unite with the patrio- 
tic sons of "old Tammany," in commemorating the glorious results of the 
efforts of OMT fathers. 

I shall be proud to be with you on this- interesting occasion, if the duties, 
incident to the situation, in which your kind partiality has placed me, will 
permit, and am truly and sincerely the Committee's humble servant. 

F. A. TALLMADGE. 



HON. J. S. BOSWORTH, JUSTICE OF SUPERIOR COURT. 
Hon. Elijah F. Pcrdy, New Y'ork, June 25, 1863. 

Grand Sachem of the Society of Tammany. 

Dear Sir : — It will give me pleasure to unite with the Society of Tammany 
in celebrating the next anniversary of our National Independence, if it is 
practicable for me to be in the city, I must go into the country on Monday 



65 

next with my family, one of whom is too much of an invalid to travel with- 
out my personal assistance, and I may not be able to return by the Fourth of 
July. 

The more we see in our present condition to awaken apprehension and 
alarm, the more necessity there is for cool and earnest reflection, and for uni- 
ted efforts to preserve our common countr3^^ 

Every honest man and true patriot must feel humiliated that the free 
States are now invaded by the rebels ; their citizens despoiled of their prop- 
erty and driven in panic from their homes, and that our vessels, navigating 
the ocean, are captured and burned in the close proximity to our city. 

There should, and as it seems to me, there can be but one feeling and pur- 
pose, and that is, to put an end to a condition of things so alarming and dis- 
creditable, and make a vigorous, common and cordial eifort to crush the re- 
bellion, uphold the Union in its integrity, and defend and preserve the Con- 
stitution, under which we had uninterrupted prosperity, while observing its 
guarantees in good faith, according to their letter and spirit. 

That the proposed celebration may tend in some degree to so auspicious a 
result, must be the earnest wish of every one who has any regard for the in- 
terests and honor of our common country. 

Very sincerely and respectfully yours, 

J. S. BOS WORTH. 



HON. C. L. MONELL, JUSTICE SUPERIOR COURT. 

Hon. Elijah F. Pprdt, New York, June 24, 1863. 

Grand Sachem of Tammany Society. 

Dear Sir : — I am in receipt of the invitation of the Sachems to meet and 
participate with them in the celebration of the approaching anniversary of 
our National Independence, for which please present to the society my 
warmest acknowledgements I regret that having already made my arrange- 
ments to pass the day out of the city, I shall be unable to meet the society on 
the occasion referred to. 

At no period in the life of the nation, has there been occasion for more pro- 
found solicitude for its future existence. The long continuance of the war ; 
the desperate resistance of those in rebellion ; the defeats and disasters to our 
arms, and the unparelled magnitude of this wide spread defection from the 
government and its authority, must fill all with deep anxiety and apprehen- 
sions. But our hopes, although thus deferred, are not lost. The nation still 
lives ! its vital powers remain, and with the blessing of heaven, it will again, 
and soon I trust, be restored to peace and happiness. Such a peace can now 
only be effected by the power of our arms. A peace procured in any other 
way would be war forever afterward. 

The approaching celebration will be a fitting occasion to arouse to new and 
more determined etiorts to end, by quick and decisive conquests, this deep laid 
plot to destroy the Union of the States: And I doubt not that the Tammany 
Society will speak with emphasis in expressing its abhorence for the rebellion 
and its determination to stand firmly by the government and the country. 

I am, with great respect. 

Very truly yours, 
CLAUDIUS L. MONELL. 

COL. H. S. LANSING, SUPERINTENDENT NEW YORK TROOPS. 

Hon. Elijah F. Purdt, New York, 24M June, 1863. 

Grand Sachem, <^-c. 

Dear Sir : — I accept with pleasure the invitation to join in the celebration 
9 



66 

of the coming " Fourth of Julv," with the noble order over which vou pre- 
side, and I shall he present, if iny duties at the present crisis will permit. 

The cominc celebration falls upon us in a most critical hour, and it behooves 
every cood citizen and lover of his country, to rally round the old Constitu- 
tion "and flag, for the preservation of the Union; and having always been un- 
shaken in my faith, that this salvation lay only with the great democratic 
party of our" country, I can join on this occasion with a full heart and 
earnest hope for its final restoration. 

I am, respectfully, kc, 

H. S. LANSING. 



EX-RECORDER TILLOU, OF NEW YORK. 

No. 42 L.\iGHT Street, New Yokk. 

Jul,/ 2, 1863. 

Gentlemen :— I have received your kind invitation to attend the meeting of 
Tammany Society, at Tammany "Hall, on the 4th instant, the anniversary of 
our National Independence, for "which I thank you, but for which, from circiim- 
stances which control me, I find, to my regret. I am unable to avail. 

With all the sentiments expressed in your invitation I cordially agree, nay 
more, such do I consider the degree of t"lie existence to which you refer, that 
I believe, that not only should every lover of his country renew the vows yon 
mention, but maintain them, by contributing freely— even if needful — to the 
extent of all his energies in his' power, his abilities and his means, and of the 
sacrilice of life, towards the preservation of the Union, the Constitution and 
the Government, (in my judgment the most beneficent now on earthi, and the 
intecritv of the nation. 

Thouirh unable to be personally with you, be assured that I shall sympa- 
thize with you in the enjoyments which you will ju.stly have at a meeting so 
patriotic, and so excellent in its purpose. 

I have the honor to be. Gentlemen, 

Your obedient servant. 
Da^iiet. E. Delavan, F. R. TILLOU. 

and others, Sachems. tSr., Tammany Society. 



HON. ELI P. NORTON, NEW YORK. 
Hox. Elltar F. Pcrpt, New York, July 3, 1863. 

• Dear Sir: — I regret that previous engagements will prevent me from par- 
ticipating with theTammany Society in their celebration on the 4th of July. 

It is grateful to a patriotic man to see that your old Order still adheres to 
the citstom of those better days of the Republic, when the commemoration of 
our Independence was in the inidst of the soldiers and sages of the Republic 
who still survived. 

One's memory runs back to the year in which your Society was established. 
It was the vear in which in our own city of New York, our government was 
organized. " Faithful to that government, whose organization was coeval with 
itifown, old Tammany has given us all lessons of patriotism which will not be 
forcotten. . , t> 

Mav she ever continue to be true to the maxims of the Fathers of the Re- 
public — the men of 1789 I 

Yours truly, 

ELI P. NORTON. 



67 

The Hon. Richard Yaux, of Philadelphia, concludes his 
admirable letter — iu which in a comprehensive and statesman- 
like manner, he discusses at length the questions of the day — 
with the following patriotic counsel : 

" Let us, then, on the coming 4th of July, make a solemn vow 
on the altar of our country, to devote our lives, fortunes, and 
sacred honor for the reestablishment of the Constitution and 
the Union as our fathers made them, by the means our fathers 
used, for the end our fathers labored, with the hope which gave 
our fathers strength, with the wisdom they asked of God to 
give them, with a determination and a will which God blessed 
— by turning the water of purity of purpose, into the wine of 
triumph at these results ! " 

The Hon. Gilbert Dean, of New York, after alluding to 
the critical condition of the country, and the necessity for har- 
mony and union in the democratic ranks, terminates as follows : 

" Let us say that there shall be no war except to restore the 
Union, and no peace but on the basis of the Constitution and the 
Union restored ! " 

The Committee acknowledge the receipt of letters, (which 
they regret their inability to find room for,) from a number of 
well known democrats, including — 

Hon. CHAS. W. CARRIGAN, of Pa., Judge INGRAHAN, of New York, 

Rear Admikal PAULDING, Judge MONCRIEF, of New York, 

Gen. AARON WARD, RICHARD O'GORMAN, Esq., 

Hon. WM. H. LEONARD, WM. A. KOBBE, Esq., 

Hon. ISAAC C. DELAPLAINE, Hon. DANIEL F. TIEMANN, 

UDOLPHO WOLFE, Esq., Hon. ROYAL PHELPS, 

WM. E. CURTIS, Esq., CORNELIUS MATTHEWS, Esq., 

BENJAMIN RAY, Esq., PHILIP W. ENGS, Esq., 

WM. E. WARREN, Esq., JOHN E. BURRILL, Esq., 

Hon. a. W. CRAVEN, B. F. DELANO, Esq., 

&c., &c., . &c. 




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